HSCI 312 · Lesson 7

Communities, Populations,
and Settings

Health Promotion: Individuals and Communities

Learning objectives for this lesson:

  • Distinguish a community intervention from an intervention in a community, relate both to universal, selected, and indicated prevention, and explain the trade-off between the size of an effect and the number of people it reaches.
  • Summarize the design, theory, and results of the Minnesota Heart Health Program, COMMIT, the Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project, and a virtual-community trial, and draw lessons from them about dose, target group, and channel.
  • Describe the political, funding, and coalition dynamics that shape community programs, and explain why members of a community are the best experts on it.
  • Define population-based health promotion and apply the five requirements of tailoring, the three steps for adapting an existing program, and the five steps for building sustainability.
  • Explain why schools and worksites are classic settings for health promotion, carry out a PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of each, and identify the theories that fit each setting's characteristics.
  • Describe theory-based programs in schools (Life Skills Training, the South Windsor obesity prevention program, Not On Tobacco) and worksites (the Healthy Workplace Program, Coping with Work and Family Stress), and compare them with Canadian school health and workplace initiatives.

This course was developed by Dr. Kiffer G. Card, Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, to accompany Edberg, M. Essentials of Health Behavior: Social and Behavioral Theory in Public Health. Jones & Bartlett Learning. This lesson follows Chapters 9 and 10 of the text.

Reference

Glossary: Key Terms, People & Concepts

📚 Reference page, available throughout the lesson

This glossary collects the key concepts, people, and ideas you will meet in this lesson. Use it as a reference while you work through the material, or as a review before assessments. Type in the search box to filter entries.

Core concepts
Community intervention A broad-based or multilevel program that targets a community in general rather than one segment of it. Community interventions tend to produce smaller changes spread over a larger number of people, so the absolute number of people affected can be large even when the percentage change is modest.
Intervention in a community A program aimed at a smaller, targeted setting or specific population group within a community, such as people who inject drugs. It can produce a large change within that group, but because the group is small the change is smaller in absolute numbers than a community-wide effect.
Universal prevention intervention In the classification used by the Institute of Medicine, an intervention that targets a general population regardless of individual risk, such as a mass media campaign or a smoke-free indoor air law.
Selected prevention intervention An intervention that targets individuals or groups at high risk for a particular health problem, such as an HIV prevention program for people who share injection equipment.
Indicated preventive intervention An intervention that targets families, groups, or individuals with multiple risk factors for a health problem, often combining several types of activity and treatment to address factors that occur together, such as poverty, high diabetes risk, and poor diet.
Virtual community An online interactive group that exists without a geographic boundary. Social networking sites can be treated as virtual communities in which adolescents negotiate identity, act out social roles, and display risk behaviour, and as a possible setting for intervention.
Community coalition A partnership of community organizations, leaders, and groups assembled to plan or deliver a program. Coalitions, like the other community structures a program works through, carry their own motives, rivalries, and internal divisions, which the program must manage.
Community health outreach worker A member of a target population, for example a person with experience of injection drug use, employed to connect peers to a project, distribute information, and advise on how to reach the population. Outreach workers know local patterns and customs and are perceived as knowing how it is, which brings legitimacy to the project.
Population-based health promotion Health promotion directed at an aggregate of people who share a place, a social group, an age, an occupation, a virtual community, or another characteristic that shapes their risk. Working with communities is one subset of working with populations.
Tailoring Adapting a program to the population, subgroup, or community it is meant to serve: basing it on an assessment of the problem as it takes shape there, including the community in design, referring to relevant situations and people, using appropriate language and materials, and scheduling activities so that members can participate. Often a matter of adapting an existing effective program rather than building a new one.
Evidence-based program A program, sometimes called a best practice, whose effectiveness has been demonstrated in evaluation research. Because tailoring usually means adapting an existing program, it matters that the program adapted is one that worked; registries such as the Community Guide were built to help planners find them.
Formative research Research, often using interviews and focus groups with members of the target population, carried out before and during program development to learn what adaptations an existing program needs and which components, messages, and materials are appropriate.
Sustainability The capacity of a program to continue after its initial funding ends. Because grants typically last three or four years and a program may take a year to establish, sustainability must be planned from the start by training and hiring community members, engaging stakeholders, seeking other funds, and linking the program to others like it.
Receipt index A measure developed in the COMMIT trial of how much of the intervention each individual received or participated in, so that quit rates could be examined in relation to exposure rather than only by intervention versus control community.
Setting The specific place in which program components or messages are delivered, such as a school, hospital, worksite, or mobile unit. Each setting has characteristics of its own and draws naturally on some theories more than others.
Channel The route through which a program reaches people, such as print media, community groups, the Internet, or social media. COMMIT organized its work around four channels: public education, health care providers, worksites and organizations, and cessation resources.
Comprehensive school health In the American usage, comprehensive school health education is classroom instruction that addresses the physical, mental, emotional, and social dimensions of health, develops health knowledge, attitudes, and skills, and is tailored to each age level. In Canada the term names a whole-school framework with four components: social and physical environment, teaching and learning, healthy school policy, and partnerships and services.
Employee assistance program A workplace service that began as a vehicle for substance abuse prevention and treatment and has broadened into prevention, early intervention, and counselling on family, financial, mental health, and workplace problems. The broader focus reduced the stigma of programs seen as being only for people with drinking or drug problems.
Return on investment The dollars saved or gained for each dollar spent on a program. Reviews report that workplace programs using tailored communication and individualized counselling for high-risk employees return roughly $1.40 to $4.70 per dollar over three years, with broader estimates from $1 to $30 or more.
Organizational culture The shared norms, rewards, and expectations of a workplace, including ideas about what makes a good employee. Norms such as working very hard, not complaining, and not revealing personal information at work can be barriers to health promotion, and changing them may require organizational change.
Programs, frameworks & trials
REACH (Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health) A program of the CDC's National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion that funds community coalitions and capacity building to reduce health disparities. Its framework assumes five stages: capacity building, targeted actions, community and systems change, widespread risk and protective behaviour change, and health disparity reduction.
Minnesota Heart Health Program A five- to six-year community intervention trial in six upper-Midwest communities (three intervention, three reference) that combined mass media, physician role models, risk factor screening, school programs, and community organization to reduce coronary heart disease risk. A classic example of a community intervention.
COMMIT (Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation) A National Cancer Institute trial of the 1980s in which one community in each of eleven matched pairs (ten in the United States, one in Canada) received a four-year community-wide smoking cessation intervention aimed primarily at heavy smokers. Quitting rose among light and moderate smokers but not significantly among heavy smokers.
Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project A CDC-funded intervention in a community that used peer volunteers, small media, and role model stories to increase condom use and bleach disinfection of injection equipment among people who inject drugs, their female sex partners, and female street sex workers. Its designers built a composite theory after judging no single theory adequate.
Coordinated School Health Program A CDC-supported model of school health with eight components: health education, physical education, health services, nutrition services, counselling and psychological services, a healthy school environment, health promotion for staff, and family and community involvement.
Life Skills Training Gilbert Botvin's classroom-based substance abuse prevention program for middle school and junior high students, delivered over three years in fifteen 45-minute periods with booster sessions. It teaches self-management skills, social skills, and drug-related information and resistance skills, and rests on Social Cognitive Theory and the risk and protective factors model.
Not On Tobacco (N-O-T) A school-based teen smoking cessation program developed in West Virginia and delivered in ten weekly hour-long sessions plus four boosters in same-sex groups. It drew on diffusion of innovations theory to spread through schools, on Social Cognitive Theory for skills and support, and on community mobilization for participatory design.
Healthy Workplace Program A set of workplace substance abuse prevention interventions that embeds prevention material in popular health promotion programs to defuse stigma. It raises awareness of benefits and hazards (Health Belief Model) and teaches skills and models healthful practice through video (Social Cognitive Theory).
Coping with Work and Family Stress A sixteen-session weekly group intervention that teaches employees coping strategies for stressors at work and at home. Derived from Pearlin and Schooler's hierarchy of coping mechanisms and Bandura's social learning theory, it reduced substance use and psychological symptoms relative to controls.
National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace A voluntary Canadian standard released in 2013 by CSA Group and the Bureau de normalisation du Québec, championed by the Mental Health Commission of Canada. It sets out a framework for organizations to assess and address thirteen psychosocial workplace factors, such as workload management, civility and respect, and psychological support.
People
Robert Gordon Author of the 1987 operational classification of disease prevention into universal, selected, and indicated interventions, later adopted by the Institute of Medicine and used in this lesson to distinguish community interventions from interventions in a community.
Gilbert Botvin Developer of the Life Skills Training program, who argued that earlier school programs failed because they either presented only factual information about consequences or relied on discussion and personal development without addressing the psychosocial causes of early substance use.
Émile Durkheim The sociologist whose classic book The Division of Labor in Society examined the workplace and remarked on the differences between workplaces and communities, a reminder that a worksite has its own culture and norms distinct from the community around it.
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Section 1

Community Intervention, or Intervention in a Community?

⏱ Estimated reading time: 18 minutes

Section 1 of 4

Community Intervention, or Intervention in a Community?

Choosing the scale of a program, and learning from four classic trials.

Where behaviour lives

Communities are the mixing pot

Individuals, social groups, norms, economic patterns, politics, and resources interact in one place to create the situation you want to change.

Communities are mostly geographic, but online interactive groups count too. The assessment tells you what to target; the first decision it forces is scale.

Three categories

Universal, selected, indicated

Universal

A general population, regardless of individual risk. The community intervention.

Selected

Individuals or groups at high risk for a particular problem. An intervention in a community.

Indicated

Multiple risk factors, multiple activities and treatments combined. Also an intervention in a community.

Scale

Small change for many, or big change for few

3%of a whole community: hundreds or thousands of quitters
32%of a few social groups: a big change over a small subset

Percentages and absolute numbers tell different stories. Ask which one the problem calls for.

Classic community interventions

Minnesota and COMMIT

Minnesota Heart Health Program

Five to six years, three intervention and three reference communities. Media, physician role models, screening, school programs, community leaders.

COMMIT

Eleven matched pairs, one in Canada. Four channels run by task forces. Aimed at heavy smokers; moved light and moderate smokers instead.

Targeted and virtual

Long Beach and Dr. Meg

Long Beach ACDP

Composite theory. Role model stories through small media and peer volunteers. Mass media dropped. Condom and bleach use rose among the 70% exposed.

Dr. Meg

One email to 190 high-risk MySpace users in one zip code. Sexual risk references fell almost 14% versus 5% in controls.

Carry forward

What to take into the next section

  • Scale is a trade-off: small change for many, or large change for a few
  • Universal, selected, and indicated map onto community intervention and intervention in a community
  • COMMIT varied more by community than by pair: the community shapes the program
  • Next: the politics, coalitions, and expertise of communities, then populations, tailoring, and sustainability

Choosing the scale of a program

Learning objectives for this section

  • Distinguish a community intervention from an intervention in a community, and relate both to the universal, selected, and indicated categories of prevention.
  • Explain the trade-off between the size of an effect and the number of people it reaches, using the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers.
  • Describe the five stages of the CDC's REACH framework as a sequence of community-level strategies.
  • Summarize the design, theory, and results of the Minnesota Heart Health Program, COMMIT, the Long Beach project, and the Dr. Meg virtual community trial.
  • Use the results of COMMIT and Long Beach to reason about dose, target group, and the limits of mass media.

Individuals are embedded in communities, cultures, and societies, so interventions commonly happen in communities, the mixing pot where multiple factors interact. Most are geographic places, but online groups, which we can call virtual communities, count too. Your assessment (the PRECEDE-PROCEED work from Lesson 6) tells you which issues, factors, and people to target. One of the first decisions it forces is a decision about scale.

Universal, selected, indicated

Should you target the community in general with a broad-based or multilevel program, or reach a smaller setting and a specific population group? We call the first a community intervention and the second an intervention in a community, and both can be related to the way the Institute of Medicine classifies prevention, a scheme that began with Robert Gordon's 1987 operational classification.

CategoryWho is targetedCanadian exampleLabel used here
Universal prevention interventionA general population, regardless of individual riskA provincial sodium campaign; a smoke-free indoor air lawCommunity intervention
Selected prevention interventionIndividuals or groups at high risk for a particular problemPeer outreach and needle distribution for people who inject drugs in Vancouver's Downtown EastsideIntervention in a community
Indicated preventive interventionFamilies, groups, or individuals with multiple risk factors, addressed with combined activities and treatmentsHome visiting for young, low-income parents with a history of substance use, bundling parenting support, income help, and addiction referralIntervention in a community

A third possibility does not target individuals at all: you might work on systems or policies. Laws on smoking in indoor spaces are the standard example, and every Canadian province now has one. Where a community has no system for prevention, building one is the intervention.

Small change for many, or big change for few

Community interventions tend to produce smaller changes over a larger number of people. Suppose a mass media campaign produces a 3% decrease in smoking. Over a whole community, that might mean hundreds or thousands of people actually quit. An intervention in a community works the other way. An HIV program might focus on people who inject drugs because sharing equipment carries high risk and because the group can act as a multiplier or bridge for transmission to others. Working with a few social groups, the share who stop sharing might be 32%, a big change, but over a small subset, so smaller in absolute numbers.

Community intervention Mass media campaign, 100,000 adult smokers 3% quit = 3,000 people Intervention in a community Peer program, 500 people who inject drugs 32% stop sharing = 160 people Box area is population; red is the share who change. Illustrative numbers.

A connection to population strategy

The same logic underlies Geoffrey Rose's argument that many people at small risk may generate more cases than a few at high risk (Rose, 1985), and his caution that a population strategy offers little benefit to each individual, which makes it harder to motivate.

Community, systems, and REACH

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is well known for building a community focus into prevention. A good example is REACH (Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health), which funds community coalitions and other capacity building and developed one of the few evaluation protocols aimed at nonmedical factors in minority health disparities. Its framework assumes five stages that build on one another.

1. Capacity building▼

Community coalition actions to reduce disparities. A program spends its first year here, which is why, as the next section warns, funding often runs out just as a program gets established.

2. Targeted actions▼

Intervention activities believed to bring about a desired effect. These are what programs are judged on, and, as the next section argues, they are almost never the whole picture.

3. Community and systems change▼

Changes to the community environment and to the knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours of influential individuals and groups, who are expected to change before the general population does.

4. Widespread risk and protective behaviour change▼

Changes in rates of risk reduction behaviours among a significant percentage of community members.

5. Health disparity reduction▼

Narrowing gaps in health status, an outcome measured in years, which is why the framework names the process stages that come first.

Interactive: which kind of program is it?

Decide whether each program is a universal community intervention or an intervention in a community, selected or indicated.

Interactive: which kind of program? Click one label per program.

1. A provincial ministry runs television and transit advertising asking all adults to check sodium on food labels.

2. A province prohibits smoking in all enclosed workplaces and on restaurant patios.

3. A supervised consumption site and needle distribution service serves people who inject drugs in one neighbourhood.

4. A nurse visits families with a newborn where the parent is under twenty, low income, and has a history of substance use, combining parenting coaching, income help, and addiction referral.

5. A provincial policy requires every elementary school to give all students in grades 1 to 8 twenty minutes of physical activity each day.

6. Peer workers offer rapid HIV testing to gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men at bathhouses and bars.

7. Adults with prediabetes, obesity, and low income join a program combining diet coaching, subsidized produce, and clinic follow-up.

8. A city forms a community board and runs quit messages through media, physicians, worksites, and cessation services, hoping mainly to reach heavy smokers.

0 of 8 answered

Four worked examples

Four cases show the distinction in practice.

The Minnesota Heart Health Program: a community intervention

A five- to six-year individual-, group-, and community-level intervention in six upper-Midwest communities, three receiving the program and three serving as reference, aimed at health behaviours, population levels of cholesterol, blood pressure, smoking, and physical activity, and ultimately coronary heart disease. Its hypotheses were that a systematic, multiple-strategy, community-wide health education program was feasible and would change how people think about heart disease, produce environmental structures that support change, and change physiologic risk factors. It alerted people to health issues, offered behavioural alternatives, provided incentives and reinforcements, engaged community leaders, ran a high-intensity media campaign, recruited physicians as role models and opinion leaders, screened systematically, and delivered school programs to reach youth and parents. Evaluation used annual cohort surveys, cross-sectional samples, and surveillance of morbidity and mortality at ages 30 to 74. Canada's version was the Canadian Heart Health Initiative, a federal and provincial partnership begun in the late 1980s that funded community demonstration projects modelled on Minnesota, Stanford, and Pawtucket.

COMMIT: a second classic example

In the 1980s the National Cancer Institute funded the Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation. One community in each of eleven matched pairs, ten in the United States and one in Canada (Brantford, Ontario, with Peterborough as comparison), was randomly assigned to a four-year intervention. Cohorts of about 10,000 heavy and 10,000 light and moderate smokers were followed by telephone. The aim was to involve diverse organizations in a comprehensive intervention that would maximize exposure to quit messages, focused solely on quitting. The primary target was heavy smokers (25 or more cigarettes a day), on the assumption that reaching them would affect lighter smokers too; quitting meant six months of cessation. Each community formed a board, and work ran through four channels managed by task forces: public education through media and events, health care providers, worksites and other organizations, and cessation resources. National uniformity was balanced against local tailoring. The receipt index measured how much of the intervention each person received, so quit rates could be read against exposure.

The results were sobering: more variation across communities than by pairs; about 1.3% more quitting over five years; no significant decline among heavy smokers; and the main effect among light and moderate smokers, 3% more of whom quit, about 3,000 people, with a larger effect among the less educated because the college educated had already changed (COMMIT Research Group, 1995).

The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project: an intervention in a community

By the mid-1990s Long Beach, California, had 2,800 cases of AIDS. The CDC had funded AIDS Community Demonstration Projects since the mid-1980s to address spread in specific populations, and Long Beach's was based in storefront locations and relied on peer education. Its designers considered the Health Belief Model, the Theory of Reasoned Action, the Transtheoretical Model, Social Cognitive Theory, and diffusion of innovations and judged none adequate alone for risk driven also by social networks, illegal activity, stigma, and marginalization. Their composite theory tied behaviour to perceived risk, anticipated results of change, perception that others are changing, self-efficacy, intention and commitment, and acquisition of skills. The goals were condom use among people who inject drugs, their female sex partners, and female street sex workers, and bleach disinfection of equipment, in a low-income Latino, Cambodian, Vietnamese, and African American neighbourhood.

The central component was the role model story, a concise vignette about a local person overcoming barriers, spread through small media, posters, mass media, and recordings under the identity Healthwise, with Road Dogs publications for men and Risky Business for women. Almost everything was revised in the field: mass media was dropped for covering too wide an audience; women disliked Risky Business and would not be seen with it, so it became For Women Only; Healthwise was dropped because nobody recognized it; bleach kits gained a water bottle. Peer staff recruited 386 volunteers, and twenty local businesses were very effective distribution points. Against a control community, 70% were exposed, condom carrying and use rose significantly, stage of change moved out of precontemplation, with more effect for nonmain partners, and bleach use rose significantly.

Dr. Meg: an intervention in a virtual community

Social networking sites are virtual communities where adolescents negotiate identity and display substance use and sexual risk. Researchers at the University of Wisconsin-Madison tested a very simple intervention with MySpace users from a single zip code. A team member created a profile as Dr. Meg; users displaying three or more risk references received an email noting the risky nature of such disclosures with a link to clinical resources, and a control group received nothing. Of 1,340 profiles, 190 qualified, about 60% female. At three months, sexual risk references fell almost 14% in the intervention group versus about 5% in controls; substance references fell 26% versus 22%, suggesting other factors were also at work (Moreno et al., 2009). Modest as it is, the result shows promise for the virtual community as a setting.

Two cases to decide

Case study: What happened to the heavy smokers in Brantford?

COMMIT assumed that a community-wide program reaching heavy smokers would move lighter smokers too. The opposite happened: light and moderate smokers quit at higher rates in intervention communities, including the Canadian site, while heavy smokers did not differ significantly from comparison communities. Why? Was the dosage too small, or is a different type of intervention needed? Other studies also find quitting very hard for heavy smokers.

Was COMMIT a community intervention that produced the expected pattern of small change over many people, or a failed intervention in a community that never reached its target? What would you add for heavy smokers, and would it still be a community intervention?

Case study: Insite as an intervention in a community

Insite, North America's first legally sanctioned supervised injection site, opened in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside in 2003 to serve people who inject drugs in a few blocks of one neighbourhood. In 2011 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled unanimously that refusing to extend its exemption from drug laws violated its users' Charter rights (Canada (Attorney General) v. PHS Community Services Society, 2011). Against Metro Vancouver's population, the number who use the site is tiny. Against the neighbourhood's people who inject drugs, and their role as a multiplier or bridge for transmission, the picture changes.

Which prevention category fits Insite, and what does the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers say about how its effect should be judged? Why might mass media, which Long Beach dropped, be the wrong channel here?

Both cases point to the next section. COMMIT varied more by community than by pair, and Long Beach rewrote its materials on the street. The community itself, with its politics, structures, and expertise, is always part of the picture.

Reflection

A regional health authority in the British Columbia Interior has two years of funding to reduce vaping among people aged 15 to 24. Its assessment shows that vaping is widespread across the whole age group, but that a smaller group of young people who vape heavily and also smoke cigarettes accounts for most of the nicotine dependence seen in clinics. Decide whether you would design a community intervention or an intervention in a community, or both. Justify your choice using the universal, selected, and indicated categories, the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers, and one specific lesson from COMMIT or Long Beach.

Model answerA strong answer treats scale as a trade-off rather than a preference. A community intervention (a universal prevention intervention) such as retailer enforcement, school-wide policy, and regional media would produce a small percentage change across a large population of 15- to 24-year-olds, which in absolute numbers could mean many hundreds of young people not starting or stopping. An intervention in a community aimed at the heavy vapers who also smoke (a selected intervention, or an indicated one if the program bundles cessation support with mental health and other services for young people with several risk factors together) could produce a much larger percentage change within a small group, and that group matters because it carries most of the dependence and may act as a bridge, normalizing heavy use among peers. COMMIT is the caution: a community-wide program aimed primarily at heavy smokers moved light and moderate smokers instead, and heavy smokers were not significantly affected, so the answer should not assume that a universal campaign will reach the dependent group. Long Beach suggests what the targeted arm should look like: peer-delivered messages in the places where the group gathers, materials revised on audience reaction, and mass media set aside for that arm because it covers too wide an audience. The best answers propose both arms and say how each will be evaluated, borrowing COMMIT's receipt index so that outcomes can be examined in relation to how much of the program each young person actually received.

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✓ Reflection saved

Key Takeaways

  • A community intervention targets the community in general with a broad-based or multilevel program; an intervention in a community targets a smaller setting and a specific population group. The Institute of Medicine's universal, selected, and indicated categories map onto the same distinction, and a third path works on systems and policies rather than individuals.
  • Scale is a trade-off. A community intervention buys a small percentage change over a large number of people (3% of a whole community can be thousands of quitters); an intervention in a community buys a large percentage change within a small group (32% of a few social groups), which matters most when that group is a multiplier or bridge for harm to others.
  • The Minnesota Heart Health Program and COMMIT are the classic community interventions. COMMIT's four-year, four-channel program in eleven matched pairs (one in Canada) raised quitting among light and moderate smokers by about 3% but did not significantly move its primary target, heavy smokers, and its effects varied more by community than by pair.
  • The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project is the classic intervention in a community: a composite theory, role model stories, peer volunteers, small media, and materials rewritten repeatedly on audience reaction, with mass media dropped because it reached too wide an audience.
  • Virtual communities can be settings too. The Dr. Meg trial's single email to high-risk adolescents on a social networking site reduced references to sexual risk by almost 14% versus about 5% in controls, though substance references fell in both groups.
Knowledge Check: this section

1. A public health unit runs a peer-delivered program to reduce equipment sharing among people who inject drugs in one neighbourhood. Evaluation shows that 30% of participants stopped sharing. A colleague objects that a city-wide media campaign would have reached far more people. What is the best response?

A community intervention produces a small change over many people; an intervention in a community produces a large change within a small group. The targeted approach for people who inject drugs is justified precisely because they can serve as a multiplier or bridge for transmission, so the trade-off is deliberate rather than a mistake.

2. A provincial program provides intensive support to families in which a parent is under twenty, lives in poverty, and has a history of substance use, combining parenting coaching, income assistance, and addiction referral. In the Institute of Medicine's classification of prevention, this is best described as which type of intervention?

Indicated preventive interventions target families, groups, or individuals with multiple risk factors and combine multiple types of activity and treatment to address factors that occur together. Selected interventions target high-risk groups for a particular problem but do not necessarily bundle several treatments, and universal interventions target the general population.

3. COMMIT's primary target group was heavy smokers, on the assumption that reaching them would also affect lighter smokers. What did the trial actually find?

About 3% more light and moderate smokers quit in intervention communities, roughly 3,000 people, while the hoped-for decline among heavy smokers did not occur to a significant degree. Results also varied more across communities than by pair, showing that where a program is implemented shapes what it does. Mass media was dropped in Long Beach, not COMMIT.

4. The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project dropped its mass media component during implementation. What was the reason?

Project staff learned that mass media components were probably not effective because they would cover too wide an audience. This is the intervention-in-a-community logic applied to channels: a targeted population is better reached through small media, peer volunteers, and local businesses in the places where its members gather.

5. The COMMIT study developed a receipt index. What problem was it designed to solve?

Comparing intervention and control communities alone hides the fact that people within an intervention community receive very different doses of a program. The receipt index measured how much each person received or participated in, allowing quit rates to be interpreted in relation to exposure. This is a process measure that helps answer the question of whether heavy smokers got a big enough dose.

✦ Pass the knowledge check with 100% and complete the reflection to continue

Section 2

Complex Communities, Populations, Tailoring, and Sustainability

⏱ Estimated reading time: 16 minutes

Section 2 of 4

Complex Communities, Populations, Tailoring, and Sustainability

Why the program is never the whole picture, and what to do about it.

Politics

Choosing the issue and the population

Every health issue has advocates, and every funder has a mandate. The issue you address may be chosen for you.

  • Scenario 1: an open-ended grant, and lobbying from every side
  • Scenario 2: HIV funds, reluctant schools, and providers who want the money elsewhere
  • Scenario 3: a coalition that splits after the funds arrive
Structures of power

Working through community structures

Government agencies and leadersTask forcesCommunity advisory boardsGrassroots organizationsProfessional groupsCommunity coalitions

Each has its own motives, its own politics, and sometimes its own internal rivalries.

Communities as experts

No better expertise than the community's

What the community knows

Habits, customs, values, attitudes, social groups, and where things happen.

Community health outreach workers

Members of the population who connect peers, distribute information, advise on reach, and bring legitimacy.

Populations

From communities to populations

Aggregates of people who share a place, or who already form a social group: socioeconomic, ethnic, age, gender, occupational, geographic, or virtual.

Public health is the business of population aggregates. Overemphasizing shared characteristics can stigmatize; familiarity with the population is the safeguard.

Tailoring

Five requirements, three steps

Based on an assessmentInclusive in designRelevant situations and peopleAppropriate language and materialsScheduled so people can come

Adapt an effective existing program: assess, do formative research, evaluate as you go.

Sustainability

Plan for the day the funding ends

  • Train and hire community members to run the program
  • Bring in stakeholders with a stake in keeping it going
  • Search for other local, provincial, national, or international funds
  • Write applications, and train community members to write them
  • Link the program to others like it and to practitioners
Carry forward

What to take into the next section

  • The program is only part of the picture: politics, funders, and coalition motives fill in the rest
  • The community is the expert; outreach workers make that principle operational
  • Tailor by adapting an effective program; plan sustainability from day one
  • Next: schools as a setting, and the theories that fit a classroom

The intervention is only part of the picture

Learning objectives for this section

  • Explain why the intervention is almost always just part of the picture, and identify the political forces around the choice of health issue and target population.
  • Describe the community structures through which programs are implemented and the motives they carry.
  • Justify the participation of community members as experts, using community health outreach workers as the model.
  • Define population-based health promotion and explain the caution about stigma and stereotyping that comes with it.
  • List the requirements of tailoring, the steps for adapting an existing program, and the steps that build sustainability.

One truism for community interventions, large or targeted, is that the intervention itself is almost always just part of the picture. Because a community is involved, its interests, needs, politics, resources, and social structures will inevitably play a role; COMMIT varied more by community than by pair for exactly this reason. This section works through those factors, widens the lens to populations, and closes with two obligations: tailoring a program to the people it serves, and making sure it survives its funding.

The politics of choosing an issue and a population

In any community, several health issues matter at once. Imagine a rural mining community in West Virginia, call it Minerville, with low incomes and poor access to care, and five candidate issues: mine safety, lack of health insurance, cardiovascular health, youth drinking and driving, and tobacco-related cancer. How do you choose? Each issue has a political dimension, with advocates pushing attention and resources toward it. And the issue may be dictated by the source of funds: American maternal and child health money funds that mission, and substance abuse prevention money funds that one. Canadian planners face the same pattern through Health Canada's Substance Use and Addictions Program, Public Health Agency of Canada streams, provincial ministries, and foundations, each with a mandate that may clash with community wishes. Decide what you would do in each scenario before opening the guidance.

Scenario 1: An open-ended grant from the Do Good Foundation▼

You receive an open-ended grant with no health issue specified. This is both a good and a difficult position. The good part is room to tailor efforts to community needs. The bad part is the same room: you may walk straight into the politics of competing issues, with individuals and organizations lobbying for their priority. You could, as in PRECEDE-PROCEED, decide on the epidemiological data, but it is not always that simple: some issues are pressing because of what might happen, not what already has.

Scenario 2: Federal funds to assess HIV risk and substance use among youth▼

Your federal funds are for assessing HIV risk as it relates to substance use among youth. Minerville has a tiny HIV program that distributes pamphlets and a much larger alcohol and drug department, and a vocal treatment providers' association, the MDAATP, wants your funds directed toward drug and alcohol use, including among adults. The schools want nothing to do with an HIV assessment, calling it too controversial. Your task is to negotiate these political waters: increase the willingness of schools or other youth-serving organizations to participate, because you need access to youth, and rein in the association's desire to dominate while still involving it.

Scenario 3: A coalition that splits after the money arrives▼

You are running a smoking prevention effort in an apartment-building community through a coalition you assembled: small businesses, two churches, a tenant rights advocate, and two clinics. On the application it looked like a stroke of genius. After the funds arrive, splits appear: the churches are at odds, and the advocate treats the project as hers, building her power base and creating a wedge among those who dislike her. You have to manage this fractious coalition and keep the focus, resources, and activities on the prevention goal.

Coalitions and structures of power

When you implement a project you typically do so through, or in collaboration with, community structures. Any of them may have motives tied to community politics, to preserving or enhancing their position, or to controlling an issue in order to set the agenda, and any may carry internal conflicts from rivalries or different goals.

Type of community structureCanadian exampleWhat it may want besides your goal
Government agencies or a specific leaderA mayor, a band council, a chief medical health officerCredit, control of the agenda, an election cycle
Task forces formed by government but including community leadersA municipal overdose task forceVisible action on the issue that created it
A community advisory board of providers, population members, faith groups, businesses, and advocatesThe advisory committee for a supervised consumption siteRepresentation for each constituency; a veto on what offends any
Grassroots community organizationsA tenants' association, a drug user union, a parents' groupAutonomy from institutions; recognition of their expertise
Professional groups and provider associationsA division of family practice, a treatment providers' associationFunding for their services; professional standing
Community coalitionsA regional healthy communities coalitionContinued existence of the coalition itself

You may have but one issue in mind. Carrying it out in a community means recognizing the social and political forces that intersect with it; Lesson 5's community organization and organizational change theories are the tools.

Communities as experts

Despite all this, there is no better expertise on the community than expertise from the community itself and the diverse groups in it: the people who know its habits, customs, values, attitudes, social groups, and where things happen. Suppose you were disseminating obesity prevention messages. How would you know the contributing factors here, which themes to emphasize, the best places to deliver messages, or how to get key members to reinforce them? Community participation would be necessary.

The model here is the community health outreach worker. In HIV programs with people who inject drugs, one of the best strategies has been to employ members of the population to connect peers to the project, distribute information, and advise on reaching the group. They know local drug use patterns, how to talk about HIV, and the customs that relate to risk. Even more important, because they are closely connected to the population, they are perceived as knowing how it is, and they bring legitimacy.

Case study: VANDU and peer expertise in the Downtown Eastside

The Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users, founded in 1997, is an organization of people who use or have used drugs. Its members ran alley patrols and an unsanctioned injection site before Insite opened, helped shape it, and have since staffed peer roles in overdose response across British Columbia, where health authorities now routinely hire people with lived experience of drug use as peer workers. In the vocabulary of this section they are community health outreach workers, and the legitimacy they bring is the point.

Which of the questions above about disseminating messages (contributing factors, themes, places, reinforcement by key members) could a peer worker answer that a planner could not? What would you predict for a program that consulted peers only after its materials were printed?

Case study: Community-driven First Nations health governance

In 2013 the First Nations Health Authority took over programs the federal government had delivered to First Nations in British Columbia, under a vision described as community-driven and nation-based. Separately, the First Nations principles of OCAP (ownership, control, access, and possession), stewarded by the First Nations Information Governance Centre, assert that First Nations own information about their communities and control how it is collected, used, and shared. Both treat the community as the expert on its own health: assessment data belong to the community, and program design runs through its governance.

How do OCAP principles extend the argument for community participation from program design to the assessment and evaluation steps of PRECEDE-PROCEED?

From communities to populations

Working with communities is one subset of the larger topic of working with populations. Communities have a geographic component, a place with its own blend of people, resources, climate, economy, and social structure, although virtual communities without boundaries have become important too. Health problems exist in aggregates of people at every level, and those aggregates may share a place or already form a social group: socioeconomic, ethnic, gender or age, virtual, or occupational. Public health is by nature the business of population aggregates.

Four examples show how different the shared factor can be: a genetic predisposition, such as sickle-cell anemia among African Americans or Tay-Sachs disease among Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants; living where prevention services are limited and tobacco barely regulated; adolescents, whose beliefs about invulnerability raise the risk of alcohol-related crashes; and intense Internet gamers whose energy drink use and inactivity put them at risk. Then a caution that matters in Canada: overemphasizing a group's shared characteristics stigmatizes and stereotypes. Still, to work with a population at risk because of factors common to the group, you have to gain familiarity with it and work with its environment, dynamics, social structures, and behaviour, as with a community.

Common confusion

Population-based does not mean one-size-fits-all. The aggregate could be a whole province or a few hundred occupational drivers. Either way, the next step is the same: tailoring.

Tailoring

A key to health promotion in communities and populations is tailoring, which in a sense is what this whole course has been discussing. Click each card for one of its five requirements.

Based on
an assessment
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Inclusive
in design
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Relevant situations
and people
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Appropriate language
and materials
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Scheduled so
people can come
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Tailoring does not mean starting from scratch. If every program had to be unique, enormous energy would go into design each time. There are usually commonalities across situations, and programs developed before that you can draw from, so tailoring becomes a process of adapting an existing program as much as developing a new one. The catch is that you want to adapt a program that is effective, which is why so much weight now rests on best practice or evidence-based programs. American sources include federal clearinghouses, nonprofit associations, model program databases such as the CDC's Community Guide and the SAMHSA National Registry of Evidence-based Programs and Practices, and professional associations. Canadian planners can add McMaster University's Health Evidence database of rated systematic reviews, and for many years used the Public Health Agency of Canada's Canadian Best Practices Portal.

Developing or adapting a program usually involves three steps: assessment of the problem, as in PRECEDE-PROCEED; formative research with members of the population, through interviews and focus groups, to learn what adaptations are needed and which components, messages, and materials fit; and ongoing evaluation during implementation so changes can be made. Long Beach's revisions were the third step in action.

Targeting versus tailoring

In the health communication literature, Kreuter and Skinner proposed reserving targeting for adapting a message to a group and tailoring for adapting it to one individual based on that person's assessed characteristics (Kreuter and Skinner, 2000). This lesson uses tailoring in the broader sense, for adapting a program to a community or population. Both usages are common; when you read a program description, check which sense is intended.

Sustainability

Most funding for community programs lasts three or four years, and it may take a year or more before a program is even established. So what happens when the funding dries up? It is very awkward to up and leave a community just when a needed program gets going, and it does not help relations. The answer is to plan from the start: add steps along the way that build community capacity to run the program and link with other funding. Five steps do that work: train and hire community members to operate the program, bring in stakeholders with a stake in keeping it going, search for other sources of funds, write applications and train community members to write them, and link the program to others like it. Test a plan against them.

Interactive: the three-year plan. A health authority has a three-year grant for diabetes prevention in a northern community. Tick the actions you would build in, then assess.

    Case study: ParticipACTION's funding ended

    ParticipACTION, launched in 1971 and remembered for comparing a 30-year-old Canadian with a 60-year-old Swede, closed in 2001 after federal funding ended and was relaunched in 2007 with renewed government support. For six years the country's best-known physical activity brand did not exist. The five sustainability steps read like a diagnosis: it had depended on a single funder.

    Which of the five sustainability steps apply to a national organization rather than a local program, and which would need translation?

    Whatever steps you take, the idea is to connect the program with the community and build its capacity to carry on. The next two sections apply that principle to schools and worksites.

    Reflection

    A regional health authority receives a three-year federal grant to reduce type 2 diabetes risk in a small northern community. When you arrive, the band council wants the money spent on a youth recreation centre, the local clinic's physician wants screening and medication adherence, the grocery co-op is worried about being blamed for food prices, and the funder's terms require nutrition education. Using this section, describe (1) how you would handle the politics of choosing what to do, (2) two concrete ways you would treat the community as the expert, (3) two of the five tailoring requirements you would prioritize, and (4) the sustainability steps you would build into year one.

    Model answerA strong answer accepts that the intervention is only part of the picture and works with the community's structures rather than around them. On politics, it recognizes that the funder's mandate (nutrition education) fixes the core but does not have to exclude the others: a steering committee that includes the band council, the clinic, and the co-op can shape how nutrition education is delivered, for example through cooking sessions at the recreation space the council wants and through co-op pricing and labelling that turn a worried stakeholder into a partner, while the physician's screening becomes a referral route into the program. On the community as expert, it proposes hiring and training community members as program coordinators in the role of community health outreach workers, and running formative research (interviews and focus groups) to learn which themes, places, and messengers will carry weight, with data governed under OCAP principles so that the community owns what is learned about it. On tailoring, it prioritizes basing the program on the assessment of how diabetes risk takes shape in this community (food cost and availability, seasonal activity, family patterns) and referring to relevant local situations and people rather than generic materials, along with scheduling that fits shift work and community events. On sustainability, it names year-one steps from the five-step list: training and hiring the coordinators, giving stakeholders a real stake, mapping other funding sources early, teaching community staff to write applications, and linking the program to similar programs in other northern communities. The best answers note the risk that a program which departs after three years damages relations, and treat the funder's three-year horizon as the reason to start capacity building immediately rather than in year three.

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    Key Takeaways

    • In any community the intervention is almost always just part of the picture: the choice of health issue and target population is political, often dictated by the funder's mandate, and contested by advocates for competing issues.
    • Programs are implemented through community structures (government agencies and leaders, task forces, advisory boards, grassroots organizations, professional groups, coalitions), each of which may have motives of its own and internal rivalries that the program must manage while keeping the focus on its goal.
    • There is no better expertise on a community than the community's own. Community health outreach workers drawn from the target population know local patterns and customs and bring legitimacy because they are perceived as knowing how it is.
    • Population-based health promotion addresses aggregates defined by place or by a shared social characteristic; overemphasizing shared characteristics can stigmatize and stereotype, so familiarity with the population is the safeguard.
    • Tailoring means basing a program on an assessment, including the community in design, referring to relevant situations, using appropriate language and materials, and scheduling for participation, usually by adapting an effective existing program; sustainability means building community capacity from day one because funding ends in three or four years.
    Knowledge Check: this section

    1. A health promotion team receives an open-ended grant with no health issue specified. Why is this both a good and a difficult position?

    In the open-ended grant scenario, the good part is room to tailor efforts to community interests and needs, and the bad part is the same room, because you may walk into the politics of competing health issues with individuals and organizations lobbying for their priority. Deciding on epidemiological data alone helps but is not always sufficient, since some issues matter because of what might happen.

    2. A coalition of businesses, two churches, a tenant advocate, and two clinics agrees enthusiastically to a smoking prevention project, then splits once funding arrives, with one member using the project to build her own power base. What general lesson does this scenario teach?

    The fractured coalition scenario shows that any community structure may have motives related to community politics, to enhancing its position, or to controlling an issue, and may carry internal divisions. The planner's task is to manage the fractious coalition and keep the focus, resources, and activities directed at the goal, not to abandon coalitions.

    3. An HIV prevention program hires people with lived experience of injection drug use as community health outreach workers. Beyond their knowledge of local drug use patterns, what is their most important contribution?

    Even more important than outreach workers' knowledge of patterns, contributing factors, and customs is that, because they are closely connected to the target population, they are perceived as knowing how it is and bring legitimacy to the project. Formative research with the population is still one of the three steps in developing or adapting a program.

    4. A health unit wants to adapt an evidence-based parenting program developed in Ontario for use in a Punjabi-speaking community in Surrey. Which sequence matches the three-step process for developing or adapting a program?

    The three steps are assessment of the problem (as in PRECEDE-PROCEED), formative research such as interviews and focus groups with the target population to identify needed adaptations and appropriate components and materials, and ongoing evaluation to track how the program is going so changes can be made. Tailoring usually means adapting an effective existing program rather than starting from scratch.

    5. A three-year community program is in its final months and the team is deciding what to do with the remaining budget. Which choice best reflects the guidance on sustainability?

    The five sustainability steps are to train and hire community members to operate the program, bring in stakeholders with a stake in continuing it, search for other funds, write applications and train community members to do so, and link the program to others like it. The aim is to build the community's capacity to carry the program on; a bigger final-year campaign builds none of that.

    ✦ Pass the knowledge check with 100% and complete the reflection to continue

    Section 3

    Settings for Intervention I: Schools

    ⏱ Estimated reading time: 18 minutes

    Section 3 of 4

    Settings for Intervention I: Schools

    A captive audience, an educational purpose, and a political environment.

    Settings and channels

    Where and through what

    Setting

    The place where components are delivered: school, hospital, worksite, mobile unit.

    Channel

    The route to the audience: print, community groups, the Internet, social media.

    The setting narrows the theory. A classroom curriculum is not community mobilization.

    Why schools

    A classic setting, and a difficult one

    Why schools work

    Health and learning are intertwined. Captive audience. A channel to families. A century of infrastructure.

    Why they are hard

    Developmental stage. Politics. A much broader social role than before. Competing priorities and scarce resources.

    Comprehensive approaches

    Eight components, or four

    Health educationPhysical educationHealth servicesNutrition servicesCounselling and psychological servicesHealthy school environmentHealth promotion for staffFamily and community involvement

    Canada's comprehensive school health framework: social and physical environment, teaching and learning, healthy school policy, partnerships and services.

    Assessment

    Reading a school, phase by phase

    • Social: safety, poverty, barriers, teacher morale, community participation, student bonding
    • Epidemiological: public health data and closely guarded school records
    • Behavioural and environmental: what people do, and the state of the building
    • Educational and ecological: knowledge, attitudes, skills, norms
    • Administrative and policy: boards, controversy, consent
    Relevant theory

    Four families of theory for schools

    Individual

    Knowledge and attitudes: Health Belief Model, Theory of Planned Behavior.

    Person and environment

    Observational learning, skills, self-efficacy: Social Cognitive Theory.

    Mobilization

    Communities and organizations: boards, budgets, advocacy.

    Built environment

    The building, the playground, the cafeteria.

    Program examples

    Three theory-based school programs

    Life Skills Training

    Social Cognitive Theory plus risk and protective factors. Fifteen sessions over three years, with boosters.

    South Windsor

    Social marketing, policy, and environmental change in the cafeteria and vending machines.

    Not On Tobacco

    Diffusion of innovations, Social Cognitive Theory, community mobilization. Twice the quit rate at three months.

    Carry forward

    What to take into the next section

    • The setting narrows the theory: classroom, board, or building each calls for a different family
    • Comprehensive and coordinated school health is the ecological model applied to a school
    • Run the assessment phases before choosing a program
    • Next: worksites, where adults choose to attend and organizational culture shapes the theory

    Settings, channels, and the classroom

    Learning objectives for this section

    • Define setting and channel, and explain why the choice of setting narrows the choice of theory.
    • Give four reasons that schools are a classic setting and four reasons that school interventions are complex.
    • Describe comprehensive school health education and the Coordinated School Health Program, and compare them with Canada's comprehensive school health framework.
    • Carry out a PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of a school setting with Canadian data sources.
    • Match theory families to school problems and describe three theory-based school programs.

    Whatever your intervention, it will be delivered somewhere: in specific places, which we call settings (schools, hospitals, worksites, mobile units), or through channels (print media, community groups, the Internet, social media). Settings and channels have characteristics of their own and draw on theoretical approaches that make sense for the setting and its population. A school-based intervention is likely to be a curriculum in a classroom, so community mobilization is probably not the approach you would reach for. This lesson pairs schools and worksites because they share a few characteristics.

    Why schools, and why they are hard

    Schools are the classic setting for health education, for four reasons. Health and education are intertwined: students cannot learn, and sometimes cannot attend, if they are not healthy. Students spend much of the day at school, a captive audience. Families interact with schools, so schools are a channel for reaching them too. And school health promotion dates from early in the 20th century, so infrastructure such as school nurses and health classes already exists. Because school activities are classroom based, school health programs have typically been curricula, educational or skill-building in nature.

    Why school interventions are complex

    Four reasons stand out: the developmental stage of the young people involved, where social pressures, identity formation, group affiliation, and biological change all affect what you are trying to achieve; the politics of social and health programs in schools; the greatly increased demand on schools to act in a broader social capacity; and competing priorities with scarce resources. Schools are asked to take on much of the task of bringing up children, to educate children with high needs and from wider backgrounds, and, more recently, to take responsibility for security. Meanwhile school health has typically been a low priority, and schools are not always welcoming to outside programs, so building a working relationship with them is a normal part of the process.

    Comprehensive and coordinated school health

    Comprehensive school health education, in the American usage, is classroom instruction that addresses the physical, mental, emotional, and social dimensions of health, develops health knowledge, attitudes, and skills, and is tailored to each age level. Broader still is the Coordinated School Health Program supported by the CDC and the American School Health Association. Click each component.

    Health
    education
    Click to learn more
    Physical
    education
    Click to learn more
    Health
    services
    Click to learn more
    Nutrition
    services
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    Counselling and
    psychological services
    Click to learn more
    Healthy school
    environment
    Click to learn more
    Health promotion
    for staff
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    Family and community
    involvement
    Click to learn more

    If you consider the ecological model, these approaches make a lot of sense, though they require resources. Greenberg and colleagues at the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning likewise advocate school health within a coordinated effort to develop students academically, socially, and in healthy behaviour and work habits. Canada organizes the same territory under a different name: the Pan-Canadian Joint Consortium for School Health, a partnership of federal, provincial, and territorial health and education ministries formed in 2005, promotes comprehensive school health as a whole-school framework with four interrelated components drawn from the World Health Organization's health promoting schools approach.

    Comprehensive school health (JCSH, Canada) Social and physical environment Teaching and learning Healthy school policy Partnerships and services Four interrelated components; the CDC model uses eight.

    The fit is close: the CDC's curricula sit in teaching and learning, its services and family involvement in partnerships and services, its environment and staff health in the social and physical environment, while healthy school policy names the administrative level the CDC model leaves implicit. The Canadian framework puts policy on the diagram.

    Assessing the school setting

    To decide which theory applies, run a brief PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment.

    Social assessment: the climate around the school

    Consider the community context, or what Jane Jacobs's work on cities would call environmental design: neighbourhood safety, recreation areas and libraries, poverty and family well-being, barriers to education (economic, linguistic, class size, resources for learning disabilities), teacher stability, pay, and morale, community participation, and whether students feel bonded to the school. A school where the economy is down, funding is tight, pay is low, violence is common, and teachers rarely stay is clearly problematic: not impossible, but a challenge. In Canada, census profiles and the Early Development Instrument feed this phase.

    Epidemiological assessment: which health problems matter here

    Use local public health data on school-age children, or data for the largest relevant unit with local estimates. Schools keep their own data (attendance, injuries, discipline, nurse visits, outbreaks, hazards such as mould or lead), but these are not easy to obtain, nor should they be: schools are very sensitive about data that might appear in public with a negative spin. Canadian sources include health authority child health reports and immunization coverage data.

    Behavioural and environmental assessment: what people do and what surrounds them

    Environmental risks include the condition of the school: failing heating, chemicals used in repairs, holes in the basketball court, nearby hazards. Behavioural risks are what personnel, students, and families do or do not do: bathrooms without soap, families who do not immunize, students who carry weapons, tolerated hate speech. The standard American sources are the CDC Youth Risk Behavior Survey, Monitoring the Future, and the Search Institute's surveys. Canada's counterparts are the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children study (Queen's University), the Canadian Student Tobacco, Alcohol and Drugs Survey, the Ontario Student Drug Use and Health Survey (Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, since 1977), and the BC Adolescent Health Survey (McCreary Centre Society, every five years since 1992). School-specific data remain hard to get.

    Educational and ecological assessment: knowledge, attitudes, skills, norms

    This phase touches most of the theoretical issues: what students, staff, families, and the community know; attitudes toward risk; which skills are common; the norms that reinforce behaviour. It matters especially in schools because education is the organizational purpose of the setting, so educational interventions fit most naturally. Such data are hard to come by outside specific studies, though youth surveys collect some.

    Administrative and policy assessment: the political environment

    Schools and school boards are political bodies, because education touches people's values about how children should be raised. Dental health may cause little trouble; HIV prevention, adolescent pregnancy, or substance abuse can be a political minefield. Board approval is typically needed, along with slow work to gain support within a school where health is rarely the top priority. Sometimes the opposition is elsewhere: think who would object to banning high-fat snacks at and around a school. Evaluation needs consent from schools, students, and parents, which stigma makes harder. Organizational and community advocacy may have to be part of the intervention. In Canada, elected boards and parent advisory councils are the arena.

    Which theory fits?

    What can a classroom address? Knowledge of consequences, personalizing risk, skills to counter risk, knowing where to go for support, confidence building and role-playing, supportive networks, and the school's physical environment. But interventions may not focus on classrooms at all. If the assessment finds crumbling facilities, the fix is funding, a political issue for the board or legislature. If the key is reaching families, other theories apply. The candidates fall into four families.

    Interactive: match the school problem to the theory family. Choose the family you would reach for first, then check all rows.

    1. Grade 9 students believe vaping is harmless and that most classmates vape, when surveys show a minority do.

    2. Students know the risks but say they cannot refuse a cigarette from an older friend without losing face.

    3. The gym has been closed for repairs for a year and the playground has no usable equipment.

    4. The elected board has refused a sexual health curriculum and parent groups are publicly divided.

    5. The cafeteria sells donuts for less than fruit, and the vending machines carry only chips and pop.

    6. Students who want to quit smoking have nowhere to turn, and those caught are suspended.

    Three theory-based school programs

    Three programs each give a different answer to the matcher.

    Life Skills Training: Social Cognitive Theory and risk and protective factors▼

    A substance abuse prevention program developed by Gilbert Botvin in response to programs he argued failed because they either presented only facts about consequences or used discussion to enrich personal development. Life Skills Training addresses the psychosocial causes of early substance use: drug-related expectancies (knowledge, attitudes, norms), resistance skills, and general competence (self-management and social skills). Its theory is a person-environment interactionist approach, Social Cognitive Theory, with the risk and protective factors model, following the developmental progression of drug involvement, including the rising emphasis on peers and the drive for autonomy. It is a three-year classroom program of fifteen 45-minute periods for middle school students, with boosters. Drug use has been cut in half in some instances.

    South Windsor obesity prevention: social marketing, policy, and the food environment▼

    The South Windsor, Connecticut, schools program used marketing and environmental actions to increase intake of lower fat, more nutritious foods. Its theory combined social marketing, regulations and policies, and environmental change: high-fat foods were made less available, better choices were marketed, and the cost of choosing better food was lowered. Components included vending machines with healthy options, better lunches, lower-value snacks such as donuts priced higher, colourful menus sent to families, coupons, and training for food service staff, who were enlisted in a catering service to increase buy-in. Preliminary indicators showed strong sales of healthier items.

    Not On Tobacco: diffusion of innovations, Social Cognitive Theory, and community mobilization▼

    In the mid-1990s West Virginia led the United States in teen smoking. The West Virginia University Prevention Research Center, with state agencies, the American Lung Association, and others, developed N-O-T to enhance adolescent health, serve students who want to quit, reduce tobacco policy violations, and provide an educational alternative to punishment. Its theory begins with diffusion of innovations, because the program had to spread through the complex school environment: dissemination stressed relative advantage, compatibility, low complexity, observability, and trialability, with advocates as change agents. It also used Social Cognitive Theory (skills, social support, goal setting) and community mobilization through participatory design. Students voluntarily attend ten weekly hour-long sessions and four boosters in same-sex groups with same-sex facilitators, working on reasons for smoking, nicotine addiction, advertising ploys, relapse triggers, cognitive restructuring, coping, and assertiveness. One review of more than 6,000 youths in 489 schools found participants twice as likely to have quit at three months. It is a SAMHSA model program and a National Cancer Institute research-tested intervention.

    Two Canadian policies to decide

    Case study: Ontario's daily physical activity requirement

    In 2005 Ontario's Ministry of Education issued Policy/Program Memorandum No. 138, requiring every elementary school to give students in grades 1 to 8 at least twenty minutes of sustained moderate to vigorous physical activity each school day during instructional time. It is a universal policy in the physical education component that changed the rules rather than any student's knowledge. Implementation studies have found delivery uneven, with teachers citing time, space, and competing curriculum demands.

    Which assessment phase would have predicted the implementation problem, and which theory family would improve delivery: teachers' knowledge and attitudes, their skills and self-efficacy, organizational mobilization, or the built environment?

    Case study: School food policy from South Windsor to Canada

    Ontario's School Food and Beverage Policy (Policy/Program Memorandum No. 150), in effect since September 2011, sets nutrition standards for food sold in publicly funded schools, limiting low-value products in cafeterias and vending machines. British Columbia's Feeding Futures fund (2023) gives districts money to expand school food programs, and the federal National School Food Program (2024) funds provinces and territories to extend meals. Each works on the environment rather than on what students know.

    South Windsor combined environmental change with social marketing and food service buy-in. Which does a provincial standard supply on its own, and which must each school add?

    Schools have a captive audience, a purpose that favours education, and a political environment that must be assessed and sometimes changed. Next, the worksite, where the audience is adult and the purpose is productivity.

    Reflection

    A school district in the Fraser Valley asks a public health unit to help with vaping among secondary students. Early conversations reveal that students who are caught vaping are suspended, that many students say they want to quit but have no help, that the physical education teachers are supportive but the board is nervous about anything that looks like it condones vaping, and that several parents have complained to trustees. Using this section, describe which assessment phases you would complete first and what each would tell you, name the theory family that fits each of the three problems described, and explain how the design of Not On Tobacco could be adapted to this district. Identify one component of comprehensive school health, in either the CDC or the Canadian framework, that your plan would strengthen.

    Model answerA strong answer starts with the assessment rather than the program. The administrative and policy assessment comes first, because school boards are political bodies and substance use is one of the minefield topics; it would map the board's concern, the parents' complaints, and the consent needed for any evaluation. The behavioural and environmental assessment would draw on the BC Adolescent Health Survey and the Canadian Student Tobacco, Alcohol and Drugs Survey to size the problem, and the educational and ecological assessment would establish what students know, believe, and can do, and whether the norm that everyone vapes is accurate. The three problems belong to three families. Suspension as the only response is an organizational policy problem, which calls for mobilization of the organization and advocacy for an educational alternative to punishment, exactly the fourth aim of N-O-T. Students who want to quit but lack skills and support is a person-environment problem for Social Cognitive Theory: skills building, social support, and goal setting. A nervous board and divided parents is a mobilization and community organization problem, and N-O-T's use of diffusion of innovations, presenting the program as compatible, low in complexity, observable, and trialable, with respected staff as change agents, is the model for spreading it through the district. Adapting N-O-T would mean voluntary weekly sessions plus boosters with same-sex groups and facilitators drawn from teachers, counsellors, and nurses, participatory design with students, and materials revised on their reaction, with vaping content replacing cigarette content after formative research. The plan would strengthen counselling and psychological services in the CDC model, or partnerships and services and healthy school policy in the Canadian framework, since the suspension policy itself is the first thing to change.

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    Key Takeaways

    • A setting is the place where program components are delivered and a channel is the route to the audience; each setting has characteristics that favour some theories over others, so a classroom curriculum is unlikely to be built on community mobilization.
    • Schools are a classic setting because health and education are intertwined, students are a captive audience, schools are a channel to families, and infrastructure exists; they are complex because of developmental stage, politics, the broad social role now demanded of schools, and competing priorities.
    • Comprehensive and coordinated school health applies the ecological model to a school: eight components in the CDC's Coordinated School Health Program and four (social and physical environment, teaching and learning, healthy school policy, partnerships and services) in Canada's comprehensive school health framework.
    • A PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of the social climate, epidemiology, behaviours and environment, knowledge and norms, and policy environment tells you which of four theory families fits: individual knowledge and attitudes, person-environment interaction (Social Cognitive Theory), mobilization of communities and organizations, or the built environment.
    • Life Skills Training (Social Cognitive Theory and risk and protective factors), the South Windsor program (social marketing, policy, environmental change), and Not On Tobacco (diffusion of innovations, Social Cognitive Theory, community mobilization) show three different theory choices for three different school problems.
    Knowledge Check: this section

    1. A health unit proposes a community mobilization strategy as the core of a grade 7 nutrition curriculum. Based on the relationship between settings and theory, what is the most likely problem with this choice?

    Different settings draw on theoretical approaches that make sense for the setting and population, and this is the standard example: a school-based intervention is likely to be a curriculum delivered in a classroom, so community mobilization is probably not the approach you would use. Mobilization belongs where the problem is a board, a budget, or the community around the school.

    2. A school's assessment finds that the gym has been closed for a year and the playground is unsafe. What kind of problem is this, and which theoretical approach follows?

    Crumbling facilities must be repaired or replaced, which is an issue of funding and resource allocation, and therefore a political issue related to the priorities of the school board or legislature. The theories that make sense for this purpose are mobilization of communities and organizations and approaches addressing the built environment.

    3. Not On Tobacco was designed with diffusion of innovations theory as a central element. What did the developers use this theory for?

    N-O-T was based on diffusion of innovations because the program needed to be disseminated through the complex school environment as well as to youth; dissemination focused on the five attributes of an innovation and used advocates as change agents. Session content drew on Social Cognitive Theory (skills, social support, goal setting), and participatory design reflected community mobilization.

    4. Ontario's Policy/Program Memorandum No. 138 requires twenty minutes of daily physical activity for all students in grades 1 to 8, yet studies found delivery was uneven and many classrooms did not reach the full twenty minutes. Which PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment phase would most directly have anticipated this, and why?

    The administrative and policy assessment considers the policy and systemic environment, and health interventions are often not the highest priority because they compete with multiple demands and requirements faced by a school. A policy that adds twenty minutes to a crowded instructional day without addressing time, space, and teacher capacity is exactly the kind of gap this phase reveals.

    5. Which statement best describes how the South Windsor obesity prevention program and Life Skills Training differ in their theoretical approach?

    South Windsor made high-fat foods less available and more expensive, marketed healthier options to students and families, and enlisted food service staff, a multilevel environmental and social marketing strategy. Life Skills Training is a classroom program that teaches self-management, social, and resistance skills based on a person-environment interactionist approach. Diffusion of innovations was central to Not On Tobacco, not to these two.

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    Section 4

    Settings for Intervention II: Worksites

    ⏱ Estimated reading time: 16 minutes

    Section 4 of 4

    Settings for Intervention II: Worksites

    An adult audience, an organizational culture, and a business case.

    Why the workplace

    The business case, and the population case

    29%reduction in health care costs at Procter and Gamble
    $1.40 to $4.70returned per dollar over three years for tailored, high-risk programs
    Mostof adults' waking hours are spent at work: a captive audience
    Evolution

    From screening to wellness

    Screening

    Health appraisals and risk assessments.

    Environment

    Hazards and conditions at the worksite that affect health.

    Wellness

    Broad health promotion; employee assistance programs widened from substance abuse to quality of life.

    Barriers and assessment

    What gets in the way, and how to read the site

    Barriers

    Mixing personal health with work. Cultures of not complaining. Redundancy in hospitals and law offices. No time, no incentive. Management and union support.

    Assessment

    Social: the organization's own culture and external pressures. Epidemiological: work-related conditions. Behavioural and environmental: gear, hours, hazards, food.

    Relevant theory

    Theories for adults at work

    For education by choice

    Social marketing, the Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovations. Engaging, hands-on, selling the benefit.

    For the organization

    Diffusion of innovations, Social Network Theory, Social Cognitive Theory, Theory of Planned Behavior, culture theory, organizational change.

    Program examples

    Two theory-based workplace programs

    Healthy Workplace Program

    Substance abuse prevention inside general wellness. Awareness (Health Belief Model); skills and video modelling (Social Cognitive Theory).

    Coping with Work and Family Stress

    Sixteen weekly sessions. Pearlin and Schooler's coping hierarchy plus Bandura. Less substance use, fewer symptoms.

    Canada

    The National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety

    Voluntary, released in 2013, championed by the Mental Health Commission of Canada. Thirteen psychosocial factors to assess and address.

    Psychological supportOrganizational cultureCivility and respectRecognition and rewardWorkload managementPsychological protection
    Carry forward

    What to take into the final review

    • Decide the scale: community intervention, or intervention in a community
    • The setting is always part of the picture: politics, structures, expertise
    • Assess phase by phase, then choose the theory family the setting calls for
    • Tailor by adapting an effective program; build capacity for the day the funding ends

    The worksite as a setting

    Learning objectives for this section

    • Give the reasons for workplace health promotion and the evidence on cost and return on investment.
    • Trace the growth and evolution of workplace health promotion and employee assistance programs.
    • Identify the barriers to workplace programs, including culture and the management-union relationship.
    • Carry out a PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of a worksite with Canadian data sources.
    • Identify the theories that fit a workplace's social and organizational character, describe two theory-based workplace programs, and relate them to Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace.

    There are a lot of good reasons to conduct health promotion in the workplace. More people are in workplaces than in most other accessible institutions, and they are there for most of their waking day; in the United States, many get their health benefits through work. Workplaces and schools share access to a population and a synergy between health objectives and organizational goals. This section works through the worksite as a setting and ends with Canada's national standard for psychological health and safety.

    Why the workplace

    Health, work performance, safety, and productivity are intertwined. Unhealthy workers miss time and have more accidents, and many studies find workplace health promotion cost-effective. The best-known figures are American: Procter and Gamble found its program cut health care costs by 29%, Johnson and Johnson estimated savings of almost two million dollars, and reviews found that programs using tailored communications and individualized counselling for high-risk employees returned roughly $1.40 to $4.70 per dollar over three years. Employees, like students, are a captive audience; workplaces have built-in communication and social support; and there is a long record of success. The CDC's Community Guide task force concluded that, in population health terms, workplace programs provided substantial benefits in health, awareness, and linkages to services.

    The Canadian frame

    In Canada the employer's stake differs, because hospital and physician care is publicly insured; what motivates employers is extended benefits, disability claims, absenteeism, and compensation premiums paid to provincial boards such as WorkSafeBC. Occupational health and safety is regulated mainly by provinces and territories, with the Canadian Centre for Occupational Health and Safety, created by federal statute in 1978, as a national information body.

    How workplace health grew and changed

    The workplace has gained currency as a site for health promotion since the mid-1900s.

    A changing workforce: more women, older workers▼

    The growing workforce of women prompted a need to address maternal health and child care, and an aging work population brought chronic disease into the workplace.

    Regulation and cost: the Occupational Safety and Health Act, workers' compensation, managed care▼

    The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 created a federal agency to regulate workplace safety. Rising compensation and medical costs gave employers a motive to prevent health problems, managed care put employers closer to care delivery, and the Affordable Care Act of 2010 raised the stakes for prevention.

    Employee assistance programs, from substance abuse to quality of life▼

    Employee assistance programs rose as a vehicle for prevention and intervention with substance abuse, a major cause of accidents and absenteeism, and many now address family, workplace, and financial problems. They moved from treatment and drug testing to a much broader prevention focus, which took away some of the stigma that they were just for alcoholics or drug abusers. In Canada they are usually called employee and family assistance programs.

    An expanded view of occupational health▼

    Occupational health grew to include cardiovascular disease, high blood pressure, smoking, repetitive motion syndromes, and obesity. Workplace efforts evolved from screening (health appraisals and risk assessments) to environmental factors to broad wellness. Many employers now view health promotion as corporate social responsibility, though it is easier for larger firms. Estimates of return on investment run from $1 to $30 or more per dollar.

    Barriers to workplace programs

    Employees may be reluctant to mix personal health issues with work. Wellness programs can clash with cultures whose messages about success include working very hard, not complaining, and not revealing personal information. In hospitals or law offices the programs appear redundant to most employees. Elsewhere employees lack the time or incentive. And participation tracks the support of both management and unions. Each is a finding waiting to be made in the assessment.

    Assessing the worksite

    Run the PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment again, and notice that the phases read differently at work. The social assessment is unlike a community's: workplaces can span several communities or be global and have their own culture and norms; Émile Durkheim, in The Division of Labor in Society, remarked on the differences between workplaces and communities. The workplace cares about productivity, hazards, and employee continuity more than general well-being, but external factors matter: a single employer in a down economy leaves workers under pressure to keep quiet about unsafe conditions. The epidemiological assessment concerns work-related conditions; the leading occupational illnesses and injuries include hearing loss, lung disease, cancer and lead poisoning, carbon monoxide poisoning, dermatitis, fertility and pregnancy abnormalities, infectious diseases, back and upper-extremity disorders, traumatic injuries, and adverse mental health outcomes. The behavioural and environmental assessment covers a truck driver or pilot who drinks before work, protective gear worn or not, long hours without breaks, unsafe chemicals and equipment, and environmental contributors to obesity: if the only food is a vending machine of chips and donuts and a burger place down the road, with no time or place to walk, the environment will produce diet-related problems and eventually type 2 diabetes. The educational and ecological assessment treats the workplace as a small, contained social setting where people spend a lot of time together, so networks, support, and norms are the key issues, along with organizational culture, rewards, and whether employees know a hazard exists, perceive it as a threat, and intend to act. The administrative assessment maps policies, structures, and resources: a wellness committee, benefits, an assistance program, gym discounts, screenings, unions, community organizations that offer workplace activities, and the regulations that govern the worksite.

    Data needUnited States sourcesCanadian counterparts
    Work-related injury and illnessOccupational Safety and Health Administration; National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health; Bureau of Labor Statistics injury surveyProvincial compensation boards (WorkSafeBC, WSIB); Association of Workers' Compensation Boards of Canada; Canadian Centre for Occupational Health and Safety
    Substance use at workWorkplace Division of the Center for Substance Abuse Prevention; National Survey on Drug Use and HealthCanadian Alcohol and Drugs Survey; Canadian Centre on Substance Use and Addiction
    Behavioural and environmental risksOSHA and NIOSH, plus unions, chambers of commerce, business health coalitions, and workplaces themselvesJoint health and safety committee records, union safety representatives, employer benefit and absence data

    Interactive: reading a worksite

    Cedar Ridge Forest Products runs a sawmill with about 240 unionized employees in a small town in the British Columbia Interior and has invited a public health unit to help. Sort each site-visit observation into the phase it informs.

    Interactive: which phase does each observation inform? Click an observation, then a phase.
    The mill is the only large employer in town. It closed for eight months in the last downturn, and workers say nobody complains now.
    WorkSafeBC claims data show musculoskeletal injuries and noise-induced hearing loss as the leading accepted claims from the mill.
    Night-shift workers in the planer mill skip hearing protection because it makes the forklift horn hard to hear.
    The only food on site is a vending machine of chips and pop; the nearest restaurant is a drive-through ten kilometres away, and breaks are twenty minutes.
    Most workers do not believe the noise will harm their hearing before retirement; several say their fathers worked the same floor and hear fine.
    Crew leads are respected veterans, and new hires copy them, including leaving ear protection on the hook.
    The benefits plan includes an assistance program, but the union says almost nobody uses it for fear that management would find out.
    Provincial law requires a joint health and safety committee, co-chaired by union and management; it has not met in six months.
    Select an observation to begin.

    Which theories fit the workplace?

    Think first about the context for education. When would a workplace offer a program? At lunch, when employees want to eat, or after work, when they want to go home? Health fairs have worked in many situations. And employees are adults who attend by choice, so the approach should be engaging and hands-on, or should sell the benefits of the behaviour. The natural candidates are social marketing, the Health Belief Model, and diffusion of innovations. Workplaces are also organizations with cultures of their own. Click each characteristic.

    Leaders and
    influencers
    Click to learn more
    Employees who
    are friends
    Click to learn more
    Norms about the
    good employee
    Click to learn more
    Wanting to do well
    and be rewarded
    Click to learn more

    To affect the culture itself, or build support for an intervention or policy, it may be necessary to engage in organizational change and bring influence from the surrounding community. The table gathers the matches.

    Workplace problemTheories that fitExample tactic
    Adults attend by choice and need a reason to comeSocial marketing, Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovationsA hands-on health fair that sells screening and makes it trialable on the spot
    Influencers and friendship groups shape behaviourDiffusion of innovations, Social Network Theory, Social Cognitive TheoryRecruit crew leads as change agents who model protective behaviour
    Norms about the good employee discourage help-seekingCulture theory, Theory of Planned Behavior, organizational changeEmbed substance use content inside general wellness programming to defuse stigma
    Rewards favour unhealthy behaviourSocial Cognitive Theory, organizational changeChange what bonuses reward
    Management and union support decide participationOrganizational change, community organizationRun the program through the joint health and safety committee with both co-chairs involved

    Two theory-based workplace programs

    Both examples come from the SAMHSA evidence-based program registry.

    The Healthy Workplace Program

    A set of workplace substance abuse prevention interventions that reduce unsafe drinking, illegal drug use, and prescription drug abuse while improving the health practices of adult workers. Rooted in social-cognitive principles, it integrates substance abuse prevention material into popular health promotion programs to defuse stigma and remove barriers to help-seeking. It reaches mainstream workers through the positive vehicle of health promotion; raises awareness of the benefits of healthful practices and the hazards of alcohol, tobacco, and drugs (Health Belief Model); teaches skills for improving health and reducing use (Social Cognitive Theory); and uses carefully constructed videos to raise self-efficacy and model healthful practice (Social Cognitive Theory again). SAMHSA recognized it as a model program. Its design answers a barrier directly: reluctance to mix personal problems with work is met by hiding the sensitive content inside something ordinary.

    Coping with Work and Family Stress

    A sixteen-session weekly group intervention that teaches employees coping strategies for stressors at work and at home. The model derives from Pearlin and Schooler's hierarchy of coping mechanisms and Bandura's social learning theory, and grew out of the Yale Work and Family Stress Program. The curriculum emphasizes stress, coping, and social support in relation to substance use and psychological symptoms. Two studies found significantly greater decreases in substance use and psychological symptoms among participants than controls, with fewer stressors, more use of social support, changed meaning of stressful events, less avoidance coping, a wider range of stress management approaches, and less depression and anxiety. It too is a SAMHSA model program.

    Two Canadian cases to decide

    Case study: The National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety

    In 2013 CSA Group and the Bureau de normalisation du Québec released the National Standard of Canada for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace, championed by the Mental Health Commission of Canada. It is voluntary, and it gives organizations a framework to assess and address thirteen psychosocial factors, among them psychological support, organizational culture, civility and respect, recognition and reward, workload management, and psychological protection. Several are the organizational characteristics described above under other names, and the Standard treats them as properties of the organization to be changed rather than employees to be educated.

    Which theory family does the Standard rely on, and which PRECEDE-PROCEED phase does its factor assessment correspond to? Why might a voluntary standard be adopted in a hospital but ignored at Cedar Ridge, and what does the management-union point suggest for the mill?

    Case study: The program nobody uses

    A regional hospital in Ontario launches a wellness program: lunchtime yoga, an online health risk assessment with a gift card, and posters about the assistance program. Uptake after a year is under one in ten. Nurses get no lunch break most days, physicians say they can get any of this elsewhere, and evening-shift staff never see the classes. Each finding was named in advance: hospitals are settings where such programs appear redundant, employees lack time or incentive, and activities must be scheduled so people can come.

    Redesign the program with one theory for the adults-by-choice problem and one organizational theory for the culture that leaves nurses without a lunch break. What would the administrative assessment have told the planners before launch?

    Schools and worksites both offer a present population, an organization whose goals overlap with health, and structures that must be assessed and sometimes changed. In both, the method is the one the first two sections used for communities: assess, choose the theory the setting calls for, tailor, and build capacity. The final review pulls those threads together.

    Reflection

    A long-term care operator with six homes in Metro Vancouver asks for help with rising injury claims and staff burnout among care aides, most of whom are women working rotating shifts, many of them recent immigrants, and all represented by a union. The employer has an employee and family assistance program that few staff use, and a corporate wellness newsletter. Using the PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment for worksites, name two findings you would expect from each of the social, behavioural and environmental, educational and ecological, and administrative assessments. Then choose one theory for the adults-by-choice problem and one organizational theory, explain how the Healthy Workplace Program or Coping with Work and Family Stress could be adapted, and state how Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace would fit into the plan.

    Model answerA strong answer works through the phases in order. The social assessment would note that the workplace has its own culture distinct from the surrounding community, that six homes may have six subcultures, and that external pressures (a tight labour market for care aides, immigration status, and the wage gap between long-term care and hospitals) leave staff unwilling to complain. The behavioural and environmental assessment would look at manual lifting and transfer practices, use of mechanical lifts and protective equipment, twelve-hour shifts with missed breaks, and the food and rest environment on the night shift. The educational and ecological assessment would examine norms about the good care aide who never asks for help, respected senior aides as role models, whether staff perceive injury and burnout as threats or as normal, and what supervisors reward. The administrative assessment would map the assistance program and why it goes unused, the joint occupational health and safety committee required under provincial law, WorkSafeBC claims and premiums, the union's health and safety representatives, and the corporate newsletter as an underused channel. For adults who attend by choice, social marketing fits: sell the benefit of safe transfers and rest in the staff's own terms, at times shift workers can attend, with hands-on practice rather than posters. For the organization, Social Network Theory or diffusion of innovations through senior aides as change agents, backed by organizational change to alter what supervisors reward, addresses the norm that asking for help is weakness. Coping with Work and Family Stress could be adapted as a shorter group series scheduled around shifts and delivered in the languages staff use, and the Healthy Workplace Program's tactic of embedding sensitive content inside ordinary wellness programming answers the stigma that keeps the assistance program unused. The National Standard supplies the frame: its thirteen factors, especially workload management, psychological support, civility and respect, and recognition and reward, turn the educational and administrative findings into a management system, and running the plan through the joint committee with union and management co-chairs answers the point that participation follows the support of both.

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    Key Takeaways

    • Workplaces are a setting because health, performance, safety, and productivity are intertwined, employees are a captive audience with built-in communication and social support, and programs have shown cost savings; American evidence includes a 29% reduction in health care costs at Procter and Gamble and returns of about $1.40 to $4.70 per dollar for tailored programs aimed at high-risk employees.
    • Workplace health evolved from screening to environmental factors to broad wellness, and employee assistance programs evolved from substance abuse treatment and drug testing to broad prevention, which reduced their stigma; barriers include reluctance to mix personal health with work, cultures of not complaining, redundancy in settings such as hospitals, lack of time or incentive, and the need for both management and union support.
    • A worksite assessment differs from a community assessment: the social phase reads the organization's own culture and external pressures, the epidemiological phase concerns work-related conditions, the behavioural and environmental phase covers protective gear, hours, hazards, and the food environment, and the educational and ecological phase centres on social networks, norms, organizational culture, and rewards.
    • Because employees are adults who attend by choice, education must be engaging and hands-on or sell the benefit (social marketing, Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovations); because workplaces have leaders, friendship groups, norms about the good employee, and rewards, Social Network Theory, Social Cognitive Theory, the Theory of Planned Behavior, culture theory, and organizational change apply.
    • The Healthy Workplace Program embeds substance abuse prevention inside general wellness programming (Health Belief Model awareness, Social Cognitive Theory skills and video modelling), and Coping with Work and Family Stress teaches coping in sixteen group sessions (Pearlin and Schooler, Bandura); Canada's voluntary National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace turns thirteen psychosocial factors into an organizational change framework.
    Knowledge Check: this section

    1. A manufacturer offers a lunchtime nutrition lecture series and is disappointed that few employees attend. Which observation about the workplace setting best explains the problem, and what does it imply for theory?

    Lunch and after-work slots are difficult because employees want to eat or go home, employees are adults who attend by choice, and the educational approach should therefore be engaging and hands-on or should sell the benefits of the behaviour. Social marketing, the Health Belief Model, and diffusion of innovations are the candidate theories for this problem.

    2. The Healthy Workplace Program integrates substance abuse prevention material into popular health promotion programs. What is the main purpose of this design?

    The program seeks to defuse the stigma of substance abuse and remove barriers to help-seeking by reaching the mainstream of workers through the positive vehicle of health promotion. This answers one of the named barriers to workplace programs: employee reluctance to mix personal health issues with work. Its theory components are Health Belief Model awareness and Social Cognitive Theory skills and video modelling.

    3. A worksite assessment finds that new hires copy respected senior workers, who rarely wear hearing protection, and that the company's productivity bonus rewards skipping breaks. In a PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment of the worksite, which phase produced these findings and which theories do they point to?

    The educational and ecological assessment at work centres on social networks, social norms, organizational culture, and what the company rewards. Workplaces have leaders and influencers, friendship groups, norms about the good employee, and people who want to be rewarded, which points to diffusion of innovations, Social Network Theory, Social Cognitive Theory, the Theory of Planned Behavior, and culture theory, with organizational change needed to alter the culture and its rewards.

    4. Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace asks organizations to assess and address thirteen psychosocial factors such as workload management and civility and respect. Read against this section, which statement is most accurate?

    The Standard's factors are properties of the organization (culture, leadership, workload, recognition), so its theory is organizational change rather than employee education. It is voluntary, and the observation that participation is strongly related to management and union support explains why adoption varies. Its factor assessment corresponds to the educational and ecological and administrative phases rather than replacing them.

    5. Employee assistance programs broadened from substance abuse treatment and drug testing to prevention, early intervention, and counselling on family, financial, and workplace problems. What effect did this change have?

    The more comprehensive prevention focus took away some of the stigma that employee assistance programs were just for alcoholics or drug abusers, which increased their attractiveness and effectiveness for employees. Substance abuse remains a workplace concern, and the broader evolution of workplace health went from screening toward wellness, not back to appraisals.

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    Section 5

    Final Review & Assessment

    ⏱ Estimated time: 25 minutes

    Bringing It All Together

    This lesson moved the course from theory to the places where theory is used. The first section opened with a decision about scale: a community intervention targets a community in general and buys a small percentage change over a large number of people, while an intervention in a community targets a specific group or setting and buys a large change within a small subset. The Institute of Medicine's universal, selected, and indicated categories describe the same choice, and a third path works on systems and policies rather than individuals. The Minnesota Heart Health Program and COMMIT showed what community-wide programs can and cannot do; COMMIT moved light and moderate smokers but not its primary target, heavy smokers, and its effects varied more by community than by matched pair. The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project showed an intervention in a community built on a composite theory, peer volunteers, role model stories, and materials rewritten repeatedly on audience reaction, and the Dr. Meg trial showed that a virtual community can be a setting too.

    The second section explained why the program is never the whole picture. The choice of health issue and target population is political and often funder-driven, the community structures a program works through carry motives and rivalries of their own, and the best expertise on a community comes from the community itself, as community health outreach workers show. Working with communities is one subset of working with populations, aggregates defined by place or by a shared characteristic, with the caution that overemphasizing shared characteristics stigmatizes. Two obligations follow: tailoring, usually by adapting an effective existing program on the basis of assessment, formative research, and ongoing evaluation, and sustainability, planned from day one because funding ends in three or four years.

    The last two sections applied the method to two settings. Schools offer a captive audience, a channel to families, and a century of infrastructure, and are complicated by developmental stage, politics, expanded demands, and scarce resources; comprehensive and coordinated school health, eight components in the CDC model and four in Canada's, is the ecological model applied to a school, and a PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment tells you which of four theory families a problem belongs to, as Life Skills Training, South Windsor, and Not On Tobacco illustrate. Worksites offer a similar audience, adult and voluntary, with a business case, an evolving history, and barriers of culture, time, and management-union relations; their assessment centres on networks, norms, organizational culture, and rewards, the theories that fit follow from that, and the Healthy Workplace Program, Coping with Work and Family Stress, and Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace show three ways of acting on it.

    Key Takeaways from this lesson

    • Scale is a decision with a trade-off: a community intervention (universal) produces a small change over many people, and an intervention in a community (selected or indicated) produces a large change within a small group; the assessment, and whether the group is a bridge for harm to others, decides which is right.
    • COMMIT and Long Beach teach complementary lessons: a community-wide program may miss its intended subgroup and needs a receipt index to interpret dose, while a targeted program needs peer messengers, small media, and materials revised on audience reaction, with mass media set aside.
    • The intervention is only part of the picture: the politics of choosing an issue, the mandates of funders, and the motives of the coalitions and structures a program works through must be managed, and the community's own members are its best experts.
    • Tailoring means basing a program on an assessment, including the community in design, referring to relevant situations, using appropriate language and materials, and scheduling for participation, usually by adapting an effective existing program; sustainability means building community capacity from year one.
    • Settings narrow the theory: a classroom favours individual and Social Cognitive Theory approaches, a school board or a broken gym calls for mobilization and the built environment, and a worksite of adults who attend by choice calls for social marketing, the Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovations, and the network, culture, and organizational change theories that fit its social life.
    • Run the same method in every setting: assess phase by phase, choose the theory family the assessment points to, adapt an evidence-based program to the people and the place, and plan for the day the funding ends.

    Reflection

    A regional health authority in British Columbia receives three years of federal funding to improve youth mental health in a mid-sized city and the rural communities around it. The assessment shows rising anxiety and self-reported distress across all secondary students, a smaller group of young people, many of them working part-time in retail and food service, who are in crisis and not connected to any service, a school district whose board is divided about mental health programming, and employers who have never thought of teenaged staff as a population. Write a plan that (1) decides on scale and justifies it with the universal, selected, and indicated categories and the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers; (2) names the two settings you would work in and the theory family that fits each, with one program from the lesson you would adapt; (3) shows how you would treat young people and their communities as experts and tailor the program; and (4) lists the sustainability steps you would take in year one.

    Model answerA strong answer proposes both scales and explains why. A universal community intervention across all secondary students, delivered as a comprehensive school health effort, would produce a modest percentage improvement across thousands of students, which in absolute numbers is the largest gain available; a selected or indicated intervention in a community for the disconnected young people in crisis would produce a large change within a small group that carries most of the acute risk, and COMMIT's lesson is that the universal arm cannot be assumed to reach them. For settings, schools call for Social Cognitive Theory and individual knowledge and attitude approaches in the classroom, with mobilization and advocacy for the divided board, and the answer might adapt Not On Tobacco's structure of voluntary small groups with boosters, participatory design, and diffusion of innovations to spread the program through the district; worksites in retail and food service call for social marketing to reach adults-by-choice, here young workers, and organizational change through employers who need first to see teenaged staff as a population, with the Healthy Workplace Program's tactic of embedding sensitive content inside ordinary programming and the National Standard's psychosocial factors as the frame for employer conversations. On expertise and tailoring, the answer hires and trains young people with lived experience as peer outreach workers in the role of community health outreach workers, runs formative research with students, young workers, and rural communities, refers to local situations and people, uses the language and channels young people use, schedules around shifts and school hours, and evaluates continuously so that materials can be revised the way Long Beach revised its own. On sustainability, it names year-one steps from the five-step list: train and hire community members and youth to run components, give the school district, employers, and rural communities a real stake, map other funding early, teach partners to write applications, and link the program to similar programs elsewhere in the province. The best answers add a receipt index so that outcomes can be read against how much of the program each young person actually received, and note the caution about stigma when defining the high-risk group.

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    Final Knowledge Assessment

    This assessment covers all material from this lesson. You must score 100% to complete the lesson. Review the feedback for any incorrect answers and try again.

    Final Assessment: Communities, Populations, and Settings (15 Questions)

    1. A provincial campaign reduces sugary drink consumption by 2% across the whole adolescent population, while a targeted clinic program reduces it by 35% among 300 adolescents with prediabetes. Applying the reasoning about scale, which statement is correct?

    Community interventions tend to result in smaller changes over a larger number of people, so a 3% decrease can mean thousands of people, while an intervention in a community can produce a large change over a relatively small subset. The right choice depends on the assessment and on the role the subgroup plays, not on the percentage alone.

    2. A city creates a coalition, task forces for four channels, and a four-year program to maximize smokers' exposure to quit messages, with heavy smokers as the primary target. This describes which program, and what happened to its primary target group?

    COMMIT organized each intervention community through a board and four channel task forces (public education, health care providers, worksites and organizations, cessation resources), aimed primarily at heavy smokers. The hoped-for decline among heavy smokers did not occur to a significant degree; about 3% more light and moderate smokers quit in intervention communities.

    3. The Long Beach project's designers considered five established theories and rejected each as inadequate on its own. What did they do instead, and why?

    None of the Health Belief Model, Theory of Reasoned Action, Transtheoretical Model, Social Cognitive Theory, or diffusion of innovations was viewed as adequate to account for the complexities of HIV risk in the target population, so a composite theory with six correlates of behaviour was developed. Stage of change was later one of the evaluation measures, and mass media was dropped.

    4. In the Dr. Meg trial, references to substance use fell by 26% in the intervention group and 22% in the control group. How should this pattern be interpreted?

    A large decrease in the control group alongside the intervention group suggests secular or other influences, which possibly indicates that factors other than the intervention were at work. The clearer effect was on sexual risk references, which fell almost 14% versus about 5% in controls. The comparison shows why a control group matters.

    5. A health promotion team with federal funds to assess HIV risk among youth finds that the schools refuse to participate, calling HIV too controversial, while a treatment providers' association wants to redirect the funds toward adult substance use. What is the team's task?

    This is the federal HIV assessment scenario from the second section. The team needs access to youth, so it must find a way to bring in schools or other youth-serving organizations, and it must keep the vocal association involved without letting it capture the effort. The scenario illustrates that the intervention is only part of the picture in a community with its own politics.

    6. Which of the following best captures the reason for involving members of a high-risk population as community health outreach workers?

    Outreach workers know drug use patterns, contributing factors, appropriate ways to talk about HIV, and relevant customs, and, even more important, their close connection to the population makes them perceived as knowing how it is, which brings legitimacy to the project. This is the communities-as-experts principle made operational.

    7. A health unit plans to run a diabetes prevention program for a specific immigrant community and wants to avoid stigmatizing it. Which approach is most consistent with the principles of population-based health promotion?

    Overemphasizing shared characteristics can stigmatize and stereotype, but to develop a health promotion approach for a population at risk because of factors common to the group, you must gain familiarity with the population and work with its environment, dynamics, social structures, and behaviour, just as with a community. Genetics is only one of the four examples of a shared risk factor given in the lesson.

    8. A team wants to bring a school nutrition program developed in Connecticut to Nova Scotia. Which statement about tailoring is correct?

    If every program had to be unique, enormous energy would go into design each time; there are usually commonalities across situations, so tailoring becomes a process of adapting an existing program as much as developing a new one. Because you want to adapt a program that works, best practice or evidence-based programs and registries such as the Community Guide are important.

    9. Five steps build sustainability into a community program. Which option contains only steps from that list?

    The five steps are to train and hire community members, bring in stakeholders with a stake in continuing the program, search for local, state, national, or international funds, write grant applications and train community members to find funding and write them, and link the program to similar programs and practitioners. The aim is to connect the program with the community and build its capacity to carry it out.

    10. A school-based intervention is likely to be a curriculum delivered in a classroom, so community mobilization is probably not the approach you would use. What general principle does this illustrate?

    The principle is that the setting shapes the theory. Mobilization does still have a place in schools, for example when the problem is a school board or a funding decision about facilities, and Not On Tobacco combined diffusion of innovations, Social Cognitive Theory, and community mobilization. The classroom example illustrates the fit between setting and theory, not a ban.

    11. Which set correctly lists components of the CDC's Coordinated School Health Program?

    The eight components of the Coordinated School Health Program are the first list. The second list is the four components of Canada's comprehensive school health framework, the third is the REACH framework's five stages, and the fourth is the set of innovation attributes from diffusion of innovations that Not On Tobacco used for dissemination.

    12. A school district wants a program for students who want to quit smoking and an alternative to suspension for those caught. Which program from this lesson most directly matches this need, and what theoretical combination did it use?

    N-O-T was designed to serve students who want to quit, reduce tobacco policy violations, and provide an educational alternative to punitive measures. It used diffusion of innovations to spread through schools, Social Cognitive Theory for skills building, social support, and goal setting, and community mobilization through participatory methods. Life Skills Training is a prevention curriculum, South Windsor addressed food, and the Healthy Workplace Program is a worksite program.

    13. A worksite assessment shows that the only food available is a vending machine with chips and donuts and a burger restaurant down the road, with no time or place to walk. In a PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment of the worksite, what kind of finding is this and what does it predict?

    This is the standard example in the behavioural and environmental assessment for worksites: such an environment is going to contribute to diet-related problems and ultimately to an increase in type 2 diabetes. These environmental conditions are already the focus of workplace obesity prevention efforts, which change the environment rather than the employee's knowledge.

    14. There is frequently a strong relationship between management and union support of workplace programs and participation in them. Which program design decision best reflects this?

    Because participation tracks the support of both management and unions, a program that runs through a structure both sides own, such as the joint health and safety committee that Canadian provincial law requires, is designed around the finding. This also applies the lesson from the second section that programs work through community structures with their own motives.

    15. Coping with Work and Family Stress is a sixteen-session group intervention. Which pair correctly identifies its theoretical foundations and its main documented outcome?

    The model is derived from Pearlin and Schooler's hierarchy of coping mechanisms and Bandura's social learning theory, and two studies showed significantly greater decreases in substance use and psychological symptoms among participants than among controls, along with increased use of social support and less reliance on avoidance coping. It is a SAMHSA model program.

    ✦ Complete the final reflection above before submitting