Communities, Populations,
and Settings
Health Promotion: Individuals and Communities
Learning objectives for this lesson:
- Distinguish a community intervention from an intervention in a community, relate both to universal, selected, and indicated prevention, and explain the trade-off between the size of an effect and the number of people it reaches.
- Summarize the design, theory, and results of the Minnesota Heart Health Program, COMMIT, the Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project, and a virtual-community trial, and draw lessons from them about dose, target group, and channel.
- Describe the political, funding, and coalition dynamics that shape community programs, and explain why members of a community are the best experts on it.
- Define population-based health promotion and apply the five requirements of tailoring, the three steps for adapting an existing program, and the five steps for building sustainability.
- Explain why schools and worksites are classic settings for health promotion, carry out a PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of each, and identify the theories that fit each setting's characteristics.
- Describe theory-based programs in schools (Life Skills Training, the South Windsor obesity prevention program, Not On Tobacco) and worksites (the Healthy Workplace Program, Coping with Work and Family Stress), and compare them with Canadian school health and workplace initiatives.
This course was developed by Dr. Kiffer G. Card, Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, to accompany Edberg, M. Essentials of Health Behavior: Social and Behavioral Theory in Public Health. Jones & Bartlett Learning. This lesson follows Chapters 9 and 10 of the text.
Glossary: Key Terms, People & Concepts
📚 Reference page, available throughout the lesson
This glossary collects the key concepts, people, and ideas you will meet in this lesson. Use it as a reference while you work through the material, or as a review before assessments. Type in the search box to filter entries.
Community Intervention, or Intervention in a Community?
⏱ Estimated reading time: 18 minutes
Choosing the scale of a program
Learning objectives for this section
- Distinguish a community intervention from an intervention in a community, and relate both to the universal, selected, and indicated categories of prevention.
- Explain the trade-off between the size of an effect and the number of people it reaches, using the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers.
- Describe the five stages of the CDC's REACH framework as a sequence of community-level strategies.
- Summarize the design, theory, and results of the Minnesota Heart Health Program, COMMIT, the Long Beach project, and the Dr. Meg virtual community trial.
- Use the results of COMMIT and Long Beach to reason about dose, target group, and the limits of mass media.
Individuals are embedded in communities, cultures, and societies, so interventions commonly happen in communities, the mixing pot where multiple factors interact. Most are geographic places, but online groups, which we can call virtual communities, count too. Your assessment (the PRECEDE-PROCEED work from Lesson 6) tells you which issues, factors, and people to target. One of the first decisions it forces is a decision about scale.
Universal, selected, indicated
Should you target the community in general with a broad-based or multilevel program, or reach a smaller setting and a specific population group? We call the first a community intervention and the second an intervention in a community, and both can be related to the way the Institute of Medicine classifies prevention, a scheme that began with Robert Gordon's 1987 operational classification.
| Category | Who is targeted | Canadian example | Label used here |
|---|---|---|---|
| Universal prevention intervention | A general population, regardless of individual risk | A provincial sodium campaign; a smoke-free indoor air law | Community intervention |
| Selected prevention intervention | Individuals or groups at high risk for a particular problem | Peer outreach and needle distribution for people who inject drugs in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside | Intervention in a community |
| Indicated preventive intervention | Families, groups, or individuals with multiple risk factors, addressed with combined activities and treatments | Home visiting for young, low-income parents with a history of substance use, bundling parenting support, income help, and addiction referral | Intervention in a community |
A third possibility does not target individuals at all: you might work on systems or policies. Laws on smoking in indoor spaces are the standard example, and every Canadian province now has one. Where a community has no system for prevention, building one is the intervention.
Small change for many, or big change for few
Community interventions tend to produce smaller changes over a larger number of people. Suppose a mass media campaign produces a 3% decrease in smoking. Over a whole community, that might mean hundreds or thousands of people actually quit. An intervention in a community works the other way. An HIV program might focus on people who inject drugs because sharing equipment carries high risk and because the group can act as a multiplier or bridge for transmission to others. Working with a few social groups, the share who stop sharing might be 32%, a big change, but over a small subset, so smaller in absolute numbers.
A connection to population strategy
The same logic underlies Geoffrey Rose's argument that many people at small risk may generate more cases than a few at high risk (Rose, 1985), and his caution that a population strategy offers little benefit to each individual, which makes it harder to motivate.
Community, systems, and REACH
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is well known for building a community focus into prevention. A good example is REACH (Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health), which funds community coalitions and other capacity building and developed one of the few evaluation protocols aimed at nonmedical factors in minority health disparities. Its framework assumes five stages that build on one another.
Community coalition actions to reduce disparities. A program spends its first year here, which is why, as the next section warns, funding often runs out just as a program gets established.
Intervention activities believed to bring about a desired effect. These are what programs are judged on, and, as the next section argues, they are almost never the whole picture.
Changes to the community environment and to the knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours of influential individuals and groups, who are expected to change before the general population does.
Changes in rates of risk reduction behaviours among a significant percentage of community members.
Narrowing gaps in health status, an outcome measured in years, which is why the framework names the process stages that come first.
Interactive: which kind of program is it?
Decide whether each program is a universal community intervention or an intervention in a community, selected or indicated.
1. A provincial ministry runs television and transit advertising asking all adults to check sodium on food labels.
2. A province prohibits smoking in all enclosed workplaces and on restaurant patios.
3. A supervised consumption site and needle distribution service serves people who inject drugs in one neighbourhood.
4. A nurse visits families with a newborn where the parent is under twenty, low income, and has a history of substance use, combining parenting coaching, income help, and addiction referral.
5. A provincial policy requires every elementary school to give all students in grades 1 to 8 twenty minutes of physical activity each day.
6. Peer workers offer rapid HIV testing to gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men at bathhouses and bars.
7. Adults with prediabetes, obesity, and low income join a program combining diet coaching, subsidized produce, and clinic follow-up.
8. A city forms a community board and runs quit messages through media, physicians, worksites, and cessation services, hoping mainly to reach heavy smokers.
Four worked examples
Four cases show the distinction in practice.
The Minnesota Heart Health Program: a community intervention
A five- to six-year individual-, group-, and community-level intervention in six upper-Midwest communities, three receiving the program and three serving as reference, aimed at health behaviours, population levels of cholesterol, blood pressure, smoking, and physical activity, and ultimately coronary heart disease. Its hypotheses were that a systematic, multiple-strategy, community-wide health education program was feasible and would change how people think about heart disease, produce environmental structures that support change, and change physiologic risk factors. It alerted people to health issues, offered behavioural alternatives, provided incentives and reinforcements, engaged community leaders, ran a high-intensity media campaign, recruited physicians as role models and opinion leaders, screened systematically, and delivered school programs to reach youth and parents. Evaluation used annual cohort surveys, cross-sectional samples, and surveillance of morbidity and mortality at ages 30 to 74. Canada's version was the Canadian Heart Health Initiative, a federal and provincial partnership begun in the late 1980s that funded community demonstration projects modelled on Minnesota, Stanford, and Pawtucket.
COMMIT: a second classic example
In the 1980s the National Cancer Institute funded the Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation. One community in each of eleven matched pairs, ten in the United States and one in Canada (Brantford, Ontario, with Peterborough as comparison), was randomly assigned to a four-year intervention. Cohorts of about 10,000 heavy and 10,000 light and moderate smokers were followed by telephone. The aim was to involve diverse organizations in a comprehensive intervention that would maximize exposure to quit messages, focused solely on quitting. The primary target was heavy smokers (25 or more cigarettes a day), on the assumption that reaching them would affect lighter smokers too; quitting meant six months of cessation. Each community formed a board, and work ran through four channels managed by task forces: public education through media and events, health care providers, worksites and other organizations, and cessation resources. National uniformity was balanced against local tailoring. The receipt index measured how much of the intervention each person received, so quit rates could be read against exposure.
The results were sobering: more variation across communities than by pairs; about 1.3% more quitting over five years; no significant decline among heavy smokers; and the main effect among light and moderate smokers, 3% more of whom quit, about 3,000 people, with a larger effect among the less educated because the college educated had already changed (COMMIT Research Group, 1995).
The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project: an intervention in a community
By the mid-1990s Long Beach, California, had 2,800 cases of AIDS. The CDC had funded AIDS Community Demonstration Projects since the mid-1980s to address spread in specific populations, and Long Beach's was based in storefront locations and relied on peer education. Its designers considered the Health Belief Model, the Theory of Reasoned Action, the Transtheoretical Model, Social Cognitive Theory, and diffusion of innovations and judged none adequate alone for risk driven also by social networks, illegal activity, stigma, and marginalization. Their composite theory tied behaviour to perceived risk, anticipated results of change, perception that others are changing, self-efficacy, intention and commitment, and acquisition of skills. The goals were condom use among people who inject drugs, their female sex partners, and female street sex workers, and bleach disinfection of equipment, in a low-income Latino, Cambodian, Vietnamese, and African American neighbourhood.
The central component was the role model story, a concise vignette about a local person overcoming barriers, spread through small media, posters, mass media, and recordings under the identity Healthwise, with Road Dogs publications for men and Risky Business for women. Almost everything was revised in the field: mass media was dropped for covering too wide an audience; women disliked Risky Business and would not be seen with it, so it became For Women Only; Healthwise was dropped because nobody recognized it; bleach kits gained a water bottle. Peer staff recruited 386 volunteers, and twenty local businesses were very effective distribution points. Against a control community, 70% were exposed, condom carrying and use rose significantly, stage of change moved out of precontemplation, with more effect for nonmain partners, and bleach use rose significantly.
Dr. Meg: an intervention in a virtual community
Social networking sites are virtual communities where adolescents negotiate identity and display substance use and sexual risk. Researchers at the University of Wisconsin-Madison tested a very simple intervention with MySpace users from a single zip code. A team member created a profile as Dr. Meg; users displaying three or more risk references received an email noting the risky nature of such disclosures with a link to clinical resources, and a control group received nothing. Of 1,340 profiles, 190 qualified, about 60% female. At three months, sexual risk references fell almost 14% in the intervention group versus about 5% in controls; substance references fell 26% versus 22%, suggesting other factors were also at work (Moreno et al., 2009). Modest as it is, the result shows promise for the virtual community as a setting.
Two cases to decide
Case study: What happened to the heavy smokers in Brantford?
COMMIT assumed that a community-wide program reaching heavy smokers would move lighter smokers too. The opposite happened: light and moderate smokers quit at higher rates in intervention communities, including the Canadian site, while heavy smokers did not differ significantly from comparison communities. Why? Was the dosage too small, or is a different type of intervention needed? Other studies also find quitting very hard for heavy smokers.
Was COMMIT a community intervention that produced the expected pattern of small change over many people, or a failed intervention in a community that never reached its target? What would you add for heavy smokers, and would it still be a community intervention?
Case study: Insite as an intervention in a community
Insite, North America's first legally sanctioned supervised injection site, opened in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside in 2003 to serve people who inject drugs in a few blocks of one neighbourhood. In 2011 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled unanimously that refusing to extend its exemption from drug laws violated its users' Charter rights (Canada (Attorney General) v. PHS Community Services Society, 2011). Against Metro Vancouver's population, the number who use the site is tiny. Against the neighbourhood's people who inject drugs, and their role as a multiplier or bridge for transmission, the picture changes.
Which prevention category fits Insite, and what does the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers say about how its effect should be judged? Why might mass media, which Long Beach dropped, be the wrong channel here?
Both cases point to the next section. COMMIT varied more by community than by pair, and Long Beach rewrote its materials on the street. The community itself, with its politics, structures, and expertise, is always part of the picture.
Reflection
A regional health authority in the British Columbia Interior has two years of funding to reduce vaping among people aged 15 to 24. Its assessment shows that vaping is widespread across the whole age group, but that a smaller group of young people who vape heavily and also smoke cigarettes accounts for most of the nicotine dependence seen in clinics. Decide whether you would design a community intervention or an intervention in a community, or both. Justify your choice using the universal, selected, and indicated categories, the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers, and one specific lesson from COMMIT or Long Beach.
Minimum 20 characters required.
Key Takeaways
- A community intervention targets the community in general with a broad-based or multilevel program; an intervention in a community targets a smaller setting and a specific population group. The Institute of Medicine's universal, selected, and indicated categories map onto the same distinction, and a third path works on systems and policies rather than individuals.
- Scale is a trade-off. A community intervention buys a small percentage change over a large number of people (3% of a whole community can be thousands of quitters); an intervention in a community buys a large percentage change within a small group (32% of a few social groups), which matters most when that group is a multiplier or bridge for harm to others.
- The Minnesota Heart Health Program and COMMIT are the classic community interventions. COMMIT's four-year, four-channel program in eleven matched pairs (one in Canada) raised quitting among light and moderate smokers by about 3% but did not significantly move its primary target, heavy smokers, and its effects varied more by community than by pair.
- The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project is the classic intervention in a community: a composite theory, role model stories, peer volunteers, small media, and materials rewritten repeatedly on audience reaction, with mass media dropped because it reached too wide an audience.
- Virtual communities can be settings too. The Dr. Meg trial's single email to high-risk adolescents on a social networking site reduced references to sexual risk by almost 14% versus about 5% in controls, though substance references fell in both groups.
1. A public health unit runs a peer-delivered program to reduce equipment sharing among people who inject drugs in one neighbourhood. Evaluation shows that 30% of participants stopped sharing. A colleague objects that a city-wide media campaign would have reached far more people. What is the best response?
2. A provincial program provides intensive support to families in which a parent is under twenty, lives in poverty, and has a history of substance use, combining parenting coaching, income assistance, and addiction referral. In the Institute of Medicine's classification of prevention, this is best described as which type of intervention?
3. COMMIT's primary target group was heavy smokers, on the assumption that reaching them would also affect lighter smokers. What did the trial actually find?
4. The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project dropped its mass media component during implementation. What was the reason?
5. The COMMIT study developed a receipt index. What problem was it designed to solve?
✦ Pass the knowledge check with 100% and complete the reflection to continue
Complex Communities, Populations, Tailoring, and Sustainability
⏱ Estimated reading time: 16 minutes
The intervention is only part of the picture
Learning objectives for this section
- Explain why the intervention is almost always just part of the picture, and identify the political forces around the choice of health issue and target population.
- Describe the community structures through which programs are implemented and the motives they carry.
- Justify the participation of community members as experts, using community health outreach workers as the model.
- Define population-based health promotion and explain the caution about stigma and stereotyping that comes with it.
- List the requirements of tailoring, the steps for adapting an existing program, and the steps that build sustainability.
One truism for community interventions, large or targeted, is that the intervention itself is almost always just part of the picture. Because a community is involved, its interests, needs, politics, resources, and social structures will inevitably play a role; COMMIT varied more by community than by pair for exactly this reason. This section works through those factors, widens the lens to populations, and closes with two obligations: tailoring a program to the people it serves, and making sure it survives its funding.
The politics of choosing an issue and a population
In any community, several health issues matter at once. Imagine a rural mining community in West Virginia, call it Minerville, with low incomes and poor access to care, and five candidate issues: mine safety, lack of health insurance, cardiovascular health, youth drinking and driving, and tobacco-related cancer. How do you choose? Each issue has a political dimension, with advocates pushing attention and resources toward it. And the issue may be dictated by the source of funds: American maternal and child health money funds that mission, and substance abuse prevention money funds that one. Canadian planners face the same pattern through Health Canada's Substance Use and Addictions Program, Public Health Agency of Canada streams, provincial ministries, and foundations, each with a mandate that may clash with community wishes. Decide what you would do in each scenario before opening the guidance.
You receive an open-ended grant with no health issue specified. This is both a good and a difficult position. The good part is room to tailor efforts to community needs. The bad part is the same room: you may walk straight into the politics of competing issues, with individuals and organizations lobbying for their priority. You could, as in PRECEDE-PROCEED, decide on the epidemiological data, but it is not always that simple: some issues are pressing because of what might happen, not what already has.
Your federal funds are for assessing HIV risk as it relates to substance use among youth. Minerville has a tiny HIV program that distributes pamphlets and a much larger alcohol and drug department, and a vocal treatment providers' association, the MDAATP, wants your funds directed toward drug and alcohol use, including among adults. The schools want nothing to do with an HIV assessment, calling it too controversial. Your task is to negotiate these political waters: increase the willingness of schools or other youth-serving organizations to participate, because you need access to youth, and rein in the association's desire to dominate while still involving it.
You are running a smoking prevention effort in an apartment-building community through a coalition you assembled: small businesses, two churches, a tenant rights advocate, and two clinics. On the application it looked like a stroke of genius. After the funds arrive, splits appear: the churches are at odds, and the advocate treats the project as hers, building her power base and creating a wedge among those who dislike her. You have to manage this fractious coalition and keep the focus, resources, and activities on the prevention goal.
Coalitions and structures of power
When you implement a project you typically do so through, or in collaboration with, community structures. Any of them may have motives tied to community politics, to preserving or enhancing their position, or to controlling an issue in order to set the agenda, and any may carry internal conflicts from rivalries or different goals.
| Type of community structure | Canadian example | What it may want besides your goal |
|---|---|---|
| Government agencies or a specific leader | A mayor, a band council, a chief medical health officer | Credit, control of the agenda, an election cycle |
| Task forces formed by government but including community leaders | A municipal overdose task force | Visible action on the issue that created it |
| A community advisory board of providers, population members, faith groups, businesses, and advocates | The advisory committee for a supervised consumption site | Representation for each constituency; a veto on what offends any |
| Grassroots community organizations | A tenants' association, a drug user union, a parents' group | Autonomy from institutions; recognition of their expertise |
| Professional groups and provider associations | A division of family practice, a treatment providers' association | Funding for their services; professional standing |
| Community coalitions | A regional healthy communities coalition | Continued existence of the coalition itself |
You may have but one issue in mind. Carrying it out in a community means recognizing the social and political forces that intersect with it; Lesson 5's community organization and organizational change theories are the tools.
Communities as experts
Despite all this, there is no better expertise on the community than expertise from the community itself and the diverse groups in it: the people who know its habits, customs, values, attitudes, social groups, and where things happen. Suppose you were disseminating obesity prevention messages. How would you know the contributing factors here, which themes to emphasize, the best places to deliver messages, or how to get key members to reinforce them? Community participation would be necessary.
The model here is the community health outreach worker. In HIV programs with people who inject drugs, one of the best strategies has been to employ members of the population to connect peers to the project, distribute information, and advise on reaching the group. They know local drug use patterns, how to talk about HIV, and the customs that relate to risk. Even more important, because they are closely connected to the population, they are perceived as knowing how it is, and they bring legitimacy.
Case study: VANDU and peer expertise in the Downtown Eastside
The Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users, founded in 1997, is an organization of people who use or have used drugs. Its members ran alley patrols and an unsanctioned injection site before Insite opened, helped shape it, and have since staffed peer roles in overdose response across British Columbia, where health authorities now routinely hire people with lived experience of drug use as peer workers. In the vocabulary of this section they are community health outreach workers, and the legitimacy they bring is the point.
Which of the questions above about disseminating messages (contributing factors, themes, places, reinforcement by key members) could a peer worker answer that a planner could not? What would you predict for a program that consulted peers only after its materials were printed?
Case study: Community-driven First Nations health governance
In 2013 the First Nations Health Authority took over programs the federal government had delivered to First Nations in British Columbia, under a vision described as community-driven and nation-based. Separately, the First Nations principles of OCAP (ownership, control, access, and possession), stewarded by the First Nations Information Governance Centre, assert that First Nations own information about their communities and control how it is collected, used, and shared. Both treat the community as the expert on its own health: assessment data belong to the community, and program design runs through its governance.
How do OCAP principles extend the argument for community participation from program design to the assessment and evaluation steps of PRECEDE-PROCEED?
From communities to populations
Working with communities is one subset of the larger topic of working with populations. Communities have a geographic component, a place with its own blend of people, resources, climate, economy, and social structure, although virtual communities without boundaries have become important too. Health problems exist in aggregates of people at every level, and those aggregates may share a place or already form a social group: socioeconomic, ethnic, gender or age, virtual, or occupational. Public health is by nature the business of population aggregates.
Four examples show how different the shared factor can be: a genetic predisposition, such as sickle-cell anemia among African Americans or Tay-Sachs disease among Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants; living where prevention services are limited and tobacco barely regulated; adolescents, whose beliefs about invulnerability raise the risk of alcohol-related crashes; and intense Internet gamers whose energy drink use and inactivity put them at risk. Then a caution that matters in Canada: overemphasizing a group's shared characteristics stigmatizes and stereotypes. Still, to work with a population at risk because of factors common to the group, you have to gain familiarity with it and work with its environment, dynamics, social structures, and behaviour, as with a community.
Common confusion
Population-based does not mean one-size-fits-all. The aggregate could be a whole province or a few hundred occupational drivers. Either way, the next step is the same: tailoring.
Tailoring
A key to health promotion in communities and populations is tailoring, which in a sense is what this whole course has been discussing. Click each card for one of its five requirements.
an assessmentClick to learn more
in designClick to learn more
and peopleClick to learn more
and materialsClick to learn more
people can comeClick to learn more
Tailoring does not mean starting from scratch. If every program had to be unique, enormous energy would go into design each time. There are usually commonalities across situations, and programs developed before that you can draw from, so tailoring becomes a process of adapting an existing program as much as developing a new one. The catch is that you want to adapt a program that is effective, which is why so much weight now rests on best practice or evidence-based programs. American sources include federal clearinghouses, nonprofit associations, model program databases such as the CDC's Community Guide and the SAMHSA National Registry of Evidence-based Programs and Practices, and professional associations. Canadian planners can add McMaster University's Health Evidence database of rated systematic reviews, and for many years used the Public Health Agency of Canada's Canadian Best Practices Portal.
Developing or adapting a program usually involves three steps: assessment of the problem, as in PRECEDE-PROCEED; formative research with members of the population, through interviews and focus groups, to learn what adaptations are needed and which components, messages, and materials fit; and ongoing evaluation during implementation so changes can be made. Long Beach's revisions were the third step in action.
Targeting versus tailoring
In the health communication literature, Kreuter and Skinner proposed reserving targeting for adapting a message to a group and tailoring for adapting it to one individual based on that person's assessed characteristics (Kreuter and Skinner, 2000). This lesson uses tailoring in the broader sense, for adapting a program to a community or population. Both usages are common; when you read a program description, check which sense is intended.
Sustainability
Most funding for community programs lasts three or four years, and it may take a year or more before a program is even established. So what happens when the funding dries up? It is very awkward to up and leave a community just when a needed program gets going, and it does not help relations. The answer is to plan from the start: add steps along the way that build community capacity to run the program and link with other funding. Five steps do that work: train and hire community members to operate the program, bring in stakeholders with a stake in keeping it going, search for other sources of funds, write applications and train community members to write them, and link the program to others like it. Test a plan against them.
Case study: ParticipACTION's funding ended
ParticipACTION, launched in 1971 and remembered for comparing a 30-year-old Canadian with a 60-year-old Swede, closed in 2001 after federal funding ended and was relaunched in 2007 with renewed government support. For six years the country's best-known physical activity brand did not exist. The five sustainability steps read like a diagnosis: it had depended on a single funder.
Which of the five sustainability steps apply to a national organization rather than a local program, and which would need translation?
Whatever steps you take, the idea is to connect the program with the community and build its capacity to carry on. The next two sections apply that principle to schools and worksites.
Reflection
A regional health authority receives a three-year federal grant to reduce type 2 diabetes risk in a small northern community. When you arrive, the band council wants the money spent on a youth recreation centre, the local clinic's physician wants screening and medication adherence, the grocery co-op is worried about being blamed for food prices, and the funder's terms require nutrition education. Using this section, describe (1) how you would handle the politics of choosing what to do, (2) two concrete ways you would treat the community as the expert, (3) two of the five tailoring requirements you would prioritize, and (4) the sustainability steps you would build into year one.
Minimum 20 characters required.
Key Takeaways
- In any community the intervention is almost always just part of the picture: the choice of health issue and target population is political, often dictated by the funder's mandate, and contested by advocates for competing issues.
- Programs are implemented through community structures (government agencies and leaders, task forces, advisory boards, grassroots organizations, professional groups, coalitions), each of which may have motives of its own and internal rivalries that the program must manage while keeping the focus on its goal.
- There is no better expertise on a community than the community's own. Community health outreach workers drawn from the target population know local patterns and customs and bring legitimacy because they are perceived as knowing how it is.
- Population-based health promotion addresses aggregates defined by place or by a shared social characteristic; overemphasizing shared characteristics can stigmatize and stereotype, so familiarity with the population is the safeguard.
- Tailoring means basing a program on an assessment, including the community in design, referring to relevant situations, using appropriate language and materials, and scheduling for participation, usually by adapting an effective existing program; sustainability means building community capacity from day one because funding ends in three or four years.
1. A health promotion team receives an open-ended grant with no health issue specified. Why is this both a good and a difficult position?
2. A coalition of businesses, two churches, a tenant advocate, and two clinics agrees enthusiastically to a smoking prevention project, then splits once funding arrives, with one member using the project to build her own power base. What general lesson does this scenario teach?
3. An HIV prevention program hires people with lived experience of injection drug use as community health outreach workers. Beyond their knowledge of local drug use patterns, what is their most important contribution?
4. A health unit wants to adapt an evidence-based parenting program developed in Ontario for use in a Punjabi-speaking community in Surrey. Which sequence matches the three-step process for developing or adapting a program?
5. A three-year community program is in its final months and the team is deciding what to do with the remaining budget. Which choice best reflects the guidance on sustainability?
✦ Pass the knowledge check with 100% and complete the reflection to continue
Settings for Intervention I: Schools
⏱ Estimated reading time: 18 minutes
Settings, channels, and the classroom
Learning objectives for this section
- Define setting and channel, and explain why the choice of setting narrows the choice of theory.
- Give four reasons that schools are a classic setting and four reasons that school interventions are complex.
- Describe comprehensive school health education and the Coordinated School Health Program, and compare them with Canada's comprehensive school health framework.
- Carry out a PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of a school setting with Canadian data sources.
- Match theory families to school problems and describe three theory-based school programs.
Whatever your intervention, it will be delivered somewhere: in specific places, which we call settings (schools, hospitals, worksites, mobile units), or through channels (print media, community groups, the Internet, social media). Settings and channels have characteristics of their own and draw on theoretical approaches that make sense for the setting and its population. A school-based intervention is likely to be a curriculum in a classroom, so community mobilization is probably not the approach you would reach for. This lesson pairs schools and worksites because they share a few characteristics.
Why schools, and why they are hard
Schools are the classic setting for health education, for four reasons. Health and education are intertwined: students cannot learn, and sometimes cannot attend, if they are not healthy. Students spend much of the day at school, a captive audience. Families interact with schools, so schools are a channel for reaching them too. And school health promotion dates from early in the 20th century, so infrastructure such as school nurses and health classes already exists. Because school activities are classroom based, school health programs have typically been curricula, educational or skill-building in nature.
Why school interventions are complex
Four reasons stand out: the developmental stage of the young people involved, where social pressures, identity formation, group affiliation, and biological change all affect what you are trying to achieve; the politics of social and health programs in schools; the greatly increased demand on schools to act in a broader social capacity; and competing priorities with scarce resources. Schools are asked to take on much of the task of bringing up children, to educate children with high needs and from wider backgrounds, and, more recently, to take responsibility for security. Meanwhile school health has typically been a low priority, and schools are not always welcoming to outside programs, so building a working relationship with them is a normal part of the process.
Comprehensive and coordinated school health
Comprehensive school health education, in the American usage, is classroom instruction that addresses the physical, mental, emotional, and social dimensions of health, develops health knowledge, attitudes, and skills, and is tailored to each age level. Broader still is the Coordinated School Health Program supported by the CDC and the American School Health Association. Click each component.
educationClick to learn more
educationClick to learn more
servicesClick to learn more
servicesClick to learn more
psychological servicesClick to learn more
environmentClick to learn more
for staffClick to learn more
involvementClick to learn more
If you consider the ecological model, these approaches make a lot of sense, though they require resources. Greenberg and colleagues at the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning likewise advocate school health within a coordinated effort to develop students academically, socially, and in healthy behaviour and work habits. Canada organizes the same territory under a different name: the Pan-Canadian Joint Consortium for School Health, a partnership of federal, provincial, and territorial health and education ministries formed in 2005, promotes comprehensive school health as a whole-school framework with four interrelated components drawn from the World Health Organization's health promoting schools approach.
The fit is close: the CDC's curricula sit in teaching and learning, its services and family involvement in partnerships and services, its environment and staff health in the social and physical environment, while healthy school policy names the administrative level the CDC model leaves implicit. The Canadian framework puts policy on the diagram.
Assessing the school setting
To decide which theory applies, run a brief PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment.
Social assessment: the climate around the school
Consider the community context, or what Jane Jacobs's work on cities would call environmental design: neighbourhood safety, recreation areas and libraries, poverty and family well-being, barriers to education (economic, linguistic, class size, resources for learning disabilities), teacher stability, pay, and morale, community participation, and whether students feel bonded to the school. A school where the economy is down, funding is tight, pay is low, violence is common, and teachers rarely stay is clearly problematic: not impossible, but a challenge. In Canada, census profiles and the Early Development Instrument feed this phase.
Epidemiological assessment: which health problems matter here
Use local public health data on school-age children, or data for the largest relevant unit with local estimates. Schools keep their own data (attendance, injuries, discipline, nurse visits, outbreaks, hazards such as mould or lead), but these are not easy to obtain, nor should they be: schools are very sensitive about data that might appear in public with a negative spin. Canadian sources include health authority child health reports and immunization coverage data.
Behavioural and environmental assessment: what people do and what surrounds them
Environmental risks include the condition of the school: failing heating, chemicals used in repairs, holes in the basketball court, nearby hazards. Behavioural risks are what personnel, students, and families do or do not do: bathrooms without soap, families who do not immunize, students who carry weapons, tolerated hate speech. The standard American sources are the CDC Youth Risk Behavior Survey, Monitoring the Future, and the Search Institute's surveys. Canada's counterparts are the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children study (Queen's University), the Canadian Student Tobacco, Alcohol and Drugs Survey, the Ontario Student Drug Use and Health Survey (Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, since 1977), and the BC Adolescent Health Survey (McCreary Centre Society, every five years since 1992). School-specific data remain hard to get.
Educational and ecological assessment: knowledge, attitudes, skills, norms
This phase touches most of the theoretical issues: what students, staff, families, and the community know; attitudes toward risk; which skills are common; the norms that reinforce behaviour. It matters especially in schools because education is the organizational purpose of the setting, so educational interventions fit most naturally. Such data are hard to come by outside specific studies, though youth surveys collect some.
Administrative and policy assessment: the political environment
Schools and school boards are political bodies, because education touches people's values about how children should be raised. Dental health may cause little trouble; HIV prevention, adolescent pregnancy, or substance abuse can be a political minefield. Board approval is typically needed, along with slow work to gain support within a school where health is rarely the top priority. Sometimes the opposition is elsewhere: think who would object to banning high-fat snacks at and around a school. Evaluation needs consent from schools, students, and parents, which stigma makes harder. Organizational and community advocacy may have to be part of the intervention. In Canada, elected boards and parent advisory councils are the arena.
Which theory fits?
What can a classroom address? Knowledge of consequences, personalizing risk, skills to counter risk, knowing where to go for support, confidence building and role-playing, supportive networks, and the school's physical environment. But interventions may not focus on classrooms at all. If the assessment finds crumbling facilities, the fix is funding, a political issue for the board or legislature. If the key is reaching families, other theories apply. The candidates fall into four families.
1. Grade 9 students believe vaping is harmless and that most classmates vape, when surveys show a minority do.
2. Students know the risks but say they cannot refuse a cigarette from an older friend without losing face.
3. The gym has been closed for repairs for a year and the playground has no usable equipment.
4. The elected board has refused a sexual health curriculum and parent groups are publicly divided.
5. The cafeteria sells donuts for less than fruit, and the vending machines carry only chips and pop.
6. Students who want to quit smoking have nowhere to turn, and those caught are suspended.
Three theory-based school programs
Three programs each give a different answer to the matcher.
A substance abuse prevention program developed by Gilbert Botvin in response to programs he argued failed because they either presented only facts about consequences or used discussion to enrich personal development. Life Skills Training addresses the psychosocial causes of early substance use: drug-related expectancies (knowledge, attitudes, norms), resistance skills, and general competence (self-management and social skills). Its theory is a person-environment interactionist approach, Social Cognitive Theory, with the risk and protective factors model, following the developmental progression of drug involvement, including the rising emphasis on peers and the drive for autonomy. It is a three-year classroom program of fifteen 45-minute periods for middle school students, with boosters. Drug use has been cut in half in some instances.
The South Windsor, Connecticut, schools program used marketing and environmental actions to increase intake of lower fat, more nutritious foods. Its theory combined social marketing, regulations and policies, and environmental change: high-fat foods were made less available, better choices were marketed, and the cost of choosing better food was lowered. Components included vending machines with healthy options, better lunches, lower-value snacks such as donuts priced higher, colourful menus sent to families, coupons, and training for food service staff, who were enlisted in a catering service to increase buy-in. Preliminary indicators showed strong sales of healthier items.
In the mid-1990s West Virginia led the United States in teen smoking. The West Virginia University Prevention Research Center, with state agencies, the American Lung Association, and others, developed N-O-T to enhance adolescent health, serve students who want to quit, reduce tobacco policy violations, and provide an educational alternative to punishment. Its theory begins with diffusion of innovations, because the program had to spread through the complex school environment: dissemination stressed relative advantage, compatibility, low complexity, observability, and trialability, with advocates as change agents. It also used Social Cognitive Theory (skills, social support, goal setting) and community mobilization through participatory design. Students voluntarily attend ten weekly hour-long sessions and four boosters in same-sex groups with same-sex facilitators, working on reasons for smoking, nicotine addiction, advertising ploys, relapse triggers, cognitive restructuring, coping, and assertiveness. One review of more than 6,000 youths in 489 schools found participants twice as likely to have quit at three months. It is a SAMHSA model program and a National Cancer Institute research-tested intervention.
Two Canadian policies to decide
Case study: Ontario's daily physical activity requirement
In 2005 Ontario's Ministry of Education issued Policy/Program Memorandum No. 138, requiring every elementary school to give students in grades 1 to 8 at least twenty minutes of sustained moderate to vigorous physical activity each school day during instructional time. It is a universal policy in the physical education component that changed the rules rather than any student's knowledge. Implementation studies have found delivery uneven, with teachers citing time, space, and competing curriculum demands.
Which assessment phase would have predicted the implementation problem, and which theory family would improve delivery: teachers' knowledge and attitudes, their skills and self-efficacy, organizational mobilization, or the built environment?
Case study: School food policy from South Windsor to Canada
Ontario's School Food and Beverage Policy (Policy/Program Memorandum No. 150), in effect since September 2011, sets nutrition standards for food sold in publicly funded schools, limiting low-value products in cafeterias and vending machines. British Columbia's Feeding Futures fund (2023) gives districts money to expand school food programs, and the federal National School Food Program (2024) funds provinces and territories to extend meals. Each works on the environment rather than on what students know.
South Windsor combined environmental change with social marketing and food service buy-in. Which does a provincial standard supply on its own, and which must each school add?
Schools have a captive audience, a purpose that favours education, and a political environment that must be assessed and sometimes changed. Next, the worksite, where the audience is adult and the purpose is productivity.
Reflection
A school district in the Fraser Valley asks a public health unit to help with vaping among secondary students. Early conversations reveal that students who are caught vaping are suspended, that many students say they want to quit but have no help, that the physical education teachers are supportive but the board is nervous about anything that looks like it condones vaping, and that several parents have complained to trustees. Using this section, describe which assessment phases you would complete first and what each would tell you, name the theory family that fits each of the three problems described, and explain how the design of Not On Tobacco could be adapted to this district. Identify one component of comprehensive school health, in either the CDC or the Canadian framework, that your plan would strengthen.
Minimum 20 characters required.
Key Takeaways
- A setting is the place where program components are delivered and a channel is the route to the audience; each setting has characteristics that favour some theories over others, so a classroom curriculum is unlikely to be built on community mobilization.
- Schools are a classic setting because health and education are intertwined, students are a captive audience, schools are a channel to families, and infrastructure exists; they are complex because of developmental stage, politics, the broad social role now demanded of schools, and competing priorities.
- Comprehensive and coordinated school health applies the ecological model to a school: eight components in the CDC's Coordinated School Health Program and four (social and physical environment, teaching and learning, healthy school policy, partnerships and services) in Canada's comprehensive school health framework.
- A PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of the social climate, epidemiology, behaviours and environment, knowledge and norms, and policy environment tells you which of four theory families fits: individual knowledge and attitudes, person-environment interaction (Social Cognitive Theory), mobilization of communities and organizations, or the built environment.
- Life Skills Training (Social Cognitive Theory and risk and protective factors), the South Windsor program (social marketing, policy, environmental change), and Not On Tobacco (diffusion of innovations, Social Cognitive Theory, community mobilization) show three different theory choices for three different school problems.
1. A health unit proposes a community mobilization strategy as the core of a grade 7 nutrition curriculum. Based on the relationship between settings and theory, what is the most likely problem with this choice?
2. A school's assessment finds that the gym has been closed for a year and the playground is unsafe. What kind of problem is this, and which theoretical approach follows?
3. Not On Tobacco was designed with diffusion of innovations theory as a central element. What did the developers use this theory for?
4. Ontario's Policy/Program Memorandum No. 138 requires twenty minutes of daily physical activity for all students in grades 1 to 8, yet studies found delivery was uneven and many classrooms did not reach the full twenty minutes. Which PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment phase would most directly have anticipated this, and why?
5. Which statement best describes how the South Windsor obesity prevention program and Life Skills Training differ in their theoretical approach?
✦ Pass the knowledge check with 100% and complete the reflection to continue
Settings for Intervention II: Worksites
⏱ Estimated reading time: 16 minutes
The worksite as a setting
Learning objectives for this section
- Give the reasons for workplace health promotion and the evidence on cost and return on investment.
- Trace the growth and evolution of workplace health promotion and employee assistance programs.
- Identify the barriers to workplace programs, including culture and the management-union relationship.
- Carry out a PRECEDE-PROCEED style assessment of a worksite with Canadian data sources.
- Identify the theories that fit a workplace's social and organizational character, describe two theory-based workplace programs, and relate them to Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace.
There are a lot of good reasons to conduct health promotion in the workplace. More people are in workplaces than in most other accessible institutions, and they are there for most of their waking day; in the United States, many get their health benefits through work. Workplaces and schools share access to a population and a synergy between health objectives and organizational goals. This section works through the worksite as a setting and ends with Canada's national standard for psychological health and safety.
Why the workplace
Health, work performance, safety, and productivity are intertwined. Unhealthy workers miss time and have more accidents, and many studies find workplace health promotion cost-effective. The best-known figures are American: Procter and Gamble found its program cut health care costs by 29%, Johnson and Johnson estimated savings of almost two million dollars, and reviews found that programs using tailored communications and individualized counselling for high-risk employees returned roughly $1.40 to $4.70 per dollar over three years. Employees, like students, are a captive audience; workplaces have built-in communication and social support; and there is a long record of success. The CDC's Community Guide task force concluded that, in population health terms, workplace programs provided substantial benefits in health, awareness, and linkages to services.
The Canadian frame
In Canada the employer's stake differs, because hospital and physician care is publicly insured; what motivates employers is extended benefits, disability claims, absenteeism, and compensation premiums paid to provincial boards such as WorkSafeBC. Occupational health and safety is regulated mainly by provinces and territories, with the Canadian Centre for Occupational Health and Safety, created by federal statute in 1978, as a national information body.
How workplace health grew and changed
The workplace has gained currency as a site for health promotion since the mid-1900s.
The growing workforce of women prompted a need to address maternal health and child care, and an aging work population brought chronic disease into the workplace.
The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 created a federal agency to regulate workplace safety. Rising compensation and medical costs gave employers a motive to prevent health problems, managed care put employers closer to care delivery, and the Affordable Care Act of 2010 raised the stakes for prevention.
Employee assistance programs rose as a vehicle for prevention and intervention with substance abuse, a major cause of accidents and absenteeism, and many now address family, workplace, and financial problems. They moved from treatment and drug testing to a much broader prevention focus, which took away some of the stigma that they were just for alcoholics or drug abusers. In Canada they are usually called employee and family assistance programs.
Occupational health grew to include cardiovascular disease, high blood pressure, smoking, repetitive motion syndromes, and obesity. Workplace efforts evolved from screening (health appraisals and risk assessments) to environmental factors to broad wellness. Many employers now view health promotion as corporate social responsibility, though it is easier for larger firms. Estimates of return on investment run from $1 to $30 or more per dollar.
Barriers to workplace programs
Employees may be reluctant to mix personal health issues with work. Wellness programs can clash with cultures whose messages about success include working very hard, not complaining, and not revealing personal information. In hospitals or law offices the programs appear redundant to most employees. Elsewhere employees lack the time or incentive. And participation tracks the support of both management and unions. Each is a finding waiting to be made in the assessment.
Assessing the worksite
Run the PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment again, and notice that the phases read differently at work. The social assessment is unlike a community's: workplaces can span several communities or be global and have their own culture and norms; Émile Durkheim, in The Division of Labor in Society, remarked on the differences between workplaces and communities. The workplace cares about productivity, hazards, and employee continuity more than general well-being, but external factors matter: a single employer in a down economy leaves workers under pressure to keep quiet about unsafe conditions. The epidemiological assessment concerns work-related conditions; the leading occupational illnesses and injuries include hearing loss, lung disease, cancer and lead poisoning, carbon monoxide poisoning, dermatitis, fertility and pregnancy abnormalities, infectious diseases, back and upper-extremity disorders, traumatic injuries, and adverse mental health outcomes. The behavioural and environmental assessment covers a truck driver or pilot who drinks before work, protective gear worn or not, long hours without breaks, unsafe chemicals and equipment, and environmental contributors to obesity: if the only food is a vending machine of chips and donuts and a burger place down the road, with no time or place to walk, the environment will produce diet-related problems and eventually type 2 diabetes. The educational and ecological assessment treats the workplace as a small, contained social setting where people spend a lot of time together, so networks, support, and norms are the key issues, along with organizational culture, rewards, and whether employees know a hazard exists, perceive it as a threat, and intend to act. The administrative assessment maps policies, structures, and resources: a wellness committee, benefits, an assistance program, gym discounts, screenings, unions, community organizations that offer workplace activities, and the regulations that govern the worksite.
| Data need | United States sources | Canadian counterparts |
|---|---|---|
| Work-related injury and illness | Occupational Safety and Health Administration; National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health; Bureau of Labor Statistics injury survey | Provincial compensation boards (WorkSafeBC, WSIB); Association of Workers' Compensation Boards of Canada; Canadian Centre for Occupational Health and Safety |
| Substance use at work | Workplace Division of the Center for Substance Abuse Prevention; National Survey on Drug Use and Health | Canadian Alcohol and Drugs Survey; Canadian Centre on Substance Use and Addiction |
| Behavioural and environmental risks | OSHA and NIOSH, plus unions, chambers of commerce, business health coalitions, and workplaces themselves | Joint health and safety committee records, union safety representatives, employer benefit and absence data |
Interactive: reading a worksite
Cedar Ridge Forest Products runs a sawmill with about 240 unionized employees in a small town in the British Columbia Interior and has invited a public health unit to help. Sort each site-visit observation into the phase it informs.
Which theories fit the workplace?
Think first about the context for education. When would a workplace offer a program? At lunch, when employees want to eat, or after work, when they want to go home? Health fairs have worked in many situations. And employees are adults who attend by choice, so the approach should be engaging and hands-on, or should sell the benefits of the behaviour. The natural candidates are social marketing, the Health Belief Model, and diffusion of innovations. Workplaces are also organizations with cultures of their own. Click each characteristic.
influencersClick to learn more
are friendsClick to learn more
good employeeClick to learn more
and be rewardedClick to learn more
To affect the culture itself, or build support for an intervention or policy, it may be necessary to engage in organizational change and bring influence from the surrounding community. The table gathers the matches.
| Workplace problem | Theories that fit | Example tactic |
|---|---|---|
| Adults attend by choice and need a reason to come | Social marketing, Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovations | A hands-on health fair that sells screening and makes it trialable on the spot |
| Influencers and friendship groups shape behaviour | Diffusion of innovations, Social Network Theory, Social Cognitive Theory | Recruit crew leads as change agents who model protective behaviour |
| Norms about the good employee discourage help-seeking | Culture theory, Theory of Planned Behavior, organizational change | Embed substance use content inside general wellness programming to defuse stigma |
| Rewards favour unhealthy behaviour | Social Cognitive Theory, organizational change | Change what bonuses reward |
| Management and union support decide participation | Organizational change, community organization | Run the program through the joint health and safety committee with both co-chairs involved |
Two theory-based workplace programs
Both examples come from the SAMHSA evidence-based program registry.
The Healthy Workplace Program
A set of workplace substance abuse prevention interventions that reduce unsafe drinking, illegal drug use, and prescription drug abuse while improving the health practices of adult workers. Rooted in social-cognitive principles, it integrates substance abuse prevention material into popular health promotion programs to defuse stigma and remove barriers to help-seeking. It reaches mainstream workers through the positive vehicle of health promotion; raises awareness of the benefits of healthful practices and the hazards of alcohol, tobacco, and drugs (Health Belief Model); teaches skills for improving health and reducing use (Social Cognitive Theory); and uses carefully constructed videos to raise self-efficacy and model healthful practice (Social Cognitive Theory again). SAMHSA recognized it as a model program. Its design answers a barrier directly: reluctance to mix personal problems with work is met by hiding the sensitive content inside something ordinary.
Coping with Work and Family Stress
A sixteen-session weekly group intervention that teaches employees coping strategies for stressors at work and at home. The model derives from Pearlin and Schooler's hierarchy of coping mechanisms and Bandura's social learning theory, and grew out of the Yale Work and Family Stress Program. The curriculum emphasizes stress, coping, and social support in relation to substance use and psychological symptoms. Two studies found significantly greater decreases in substance use and psychological symptoms among participants than controls, with fewer stressors, more use of social support, changed meaning of stressful events, less avoidance coping, a wider range of stress management approaches, and less depression and anxiety. It too is a SAMHSA model program.
Two Canadian cases to decide
Case study: The National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety
In 2013 CSA Group and the Bureau de normalisation du Québec released the National Standard of Canada for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace, championed by the Mental Health Commission of Canada. It is voluntary, and it gives organizations a framework to assess and address thirteen psychosocial factors, among them psychological support, organizational culture, civility and respect, recognition and reward, workload management, and psychological protection. Several are the organizational characteristics described above under other names, and the Standard treats them as properties of the organization to be changed rather than employees to be educated.
Which theory family does the Standard rely on, and which PRECEDE-PROCEED phase does its factor assessment correspond to? Why might a voluntary standard be adopted in a hospital but ignored at Cedar Ridge, and what does the management-union point suggest for the mill?
Case study: The program nobody uses
A regional hospital in Ontario launches a wellness program: lunchtime yoga, an online health risk assessment with a gift card, and posters about the assistance program. Uptake after a year is under one in ten. Nurses get no lunch break most days, physicians say they can get any of this elsewhere, and evening-shift staff never see the classes. Each finding was named in advance: hospitals are settings where such programs appear redundant, employees lack time or incentive, and activities must be scheduled so people can come.
Redesign the program with one theory for the adults-by-choice problem and one organizational theory for the culture that leaves nurses without a lunch break. What would the administrative assessment have told the planners before launch?
Schools and worksites both offer a present population, an organization whose goals overlap with health, and structures that must be assessed and sometimes changed. In both, the method is the one the first two sections used for communities: assess, choose the theory the setting calls for, tailor, and build capacity. The final review pulls those threads together.
Reflection
A long-term care operator with six homes in Metro Vancouver asks for help with rising injury claims and staff burnout among care aides, most of whom are women working rotating shifts, many of them recent immigrants, and all represented by a union. The employer has an employee and family assistance program that few staff use, and a corporate wellness newsletter. Using the PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment for worksites, name two findings you would expect from each of the social, behavioural and environmental, educational and ecological, and administrative assessments. Then choose one theory for the adults-by-choice problem and one organizational theory, explain how the Healthy Workplace Program or Coping with Work and Family Stress could be adapted, and state how Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace would fit into the plan.
Minimum 20 characters required.
Key Takeaways
- Workplaces are a setting because health, performance, safety, and productivity are intertwined, employees are a captive audience with built-in communication and social support, and programs have shown cost savings; American evidence includes a 29% reduction in health care costs at Procter and Gamble and returns of about $1.40 to $4.70 per dollar for tailored programs aimed at high-risk employees.
- Workplace health evolved from screening to environmental factors to broad wellness, and employee assistance programs evolved from substance abuse treatment and drug testing to broad prevention, which reduced their stigma; barriers include reluctance to mix personal health with work, cultures of not complaining, redundancy in settings such as hospitals, lack of time or incentive, and the need for both management and union support.
- A worksite assessment differs from a community assessment: the social phase reads the organization's own culture and external pressures, the epidemiological phase concerns work-related conditions, the behavioural and environmental phase covers protective gear, hours, hazards, and the food environment, and the educational and ecological phase centres on social networks, norms, organizational culture, and rewards.
- Because employees are adults who attend by choice, education must be engaging and hands-on or sell the benefit (social marketing, Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovations); because workplaces have leaders, friendship groups, norms about the good employee, and rewards, Social Network Theory, Social Cognitive Theory, the Theory of Planned Behavior, culture theory, and organizational change apply.
- The Healthy Workplace Program embeds substance abuse prevention inside general wellness programming (Health Belief Model awareness, Social Cognitive Theory skills and video modelling), and Coping with Work and Family Stress teaches coping in sixteen group sessions (Pearlin and Schooler, Bandura); Canada's voluntary National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace turns thirteen psychosocial factors into an organizational change framework.
1. A manufacturer offers a lunchtime nutrition lecture series and is disappointed that few employees attend. Which observation about the workplace setting best explains the problem, and what does it imply for theory?
2. The Healthy Workplace Program integrates substance abuse prevention material into popular health promotion programs. What is the main purpose of this design?
3. A worksite assessment finds that new hires copy respected senior workers, who rarely wear hearing protection, and that the company's productivity bonus rewards skipping breaks. In a PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment of the worksite, which phase produced these findings and which theories do they point to?
4. Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace asks organizations to assess and address thirteen psychosocial factors such as workload management and civility and respect. Read against this section, which statement is most accurate?
5. Employee assistance programs broadened from substance abuse treatment and drug testing to prevention, early intervention, and counselling on family, financial, and workplace problems. What effect did this change have?
✦ Pass the knowledge check with 100% and complete the reflection to continue
Final Review & Assessment
⏱ Estimated time: 25 minutes
Bringing It All Together
This lesson moved the course from theory to the places where theory is used. The first section opened with a decision about scale: a community intervention targets a community in general and buys a small percentage change over a large number of people, while an intervention in a community targets a specific group or setting and buys a large change within a small subset. The Institute of Medicine's universal, selected, and indicated categories describe the same choice, and a third path works on systems and policies rather than individuals. The Minnesota Heart Health Program and COMMIT showed what community-wide programs can and cannot do; COMMIT moved light and moderate smokers but not its primary target, heavy smokers, and its effects varied more by community than by matched pair. The Long Beach AIDS Community Demonstration Project showed an intervention in a community built on a composite theory, peer volunteers, role model stories, and materials rewritten repeatedly on audience reaction, and the Dr. Meg trial showed that a virtual community can be a setting too.
The second section explained why the program is never the whole picture. The choice of health issue and target population is political and often funder-driven, the community structures a program works through carry motives and rivalries of their own, and the best expertise on a community comes from the community itself, as community health outreach workers show. Working with communities is one subset of working with populations, aggregates defined by place or by a shared characteristic, with the caution that overemphasizing shared characteristics stigmatizes. Two obligations follow: tailoring, usually by adapting an effective existing program on the basis of assessment, formative research, and ongoing evaluation, and sustainability, planned from day one because funding ends in three or four years.
The last two sections applied the method to two settings. Schools offer a captive audience, a channel to families, and a century of infrastructure, and are complicated by developmental stage, politics, expanded demands, and scarce resources; comprehensive and coordinated school health, eight components in the CDC model and four in Canada's, is the ecological model applied to a school, and a PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment tells you which of four theory families a problem belongs to, as Life Skills Training, South Windsor, and Not On Tobacco illustrate. Worksites offer a similar audience, adult and voluntary, with a business case, an evolving history, and barriers of culture, time, and management-union relations; their assessment centres on networks, norms, organizational culture, and rewards, the theories that fit follow from that, and the Healthy Workplace Program, Coping with Work and Family Stress, and Canada's National Standard for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace show three ways of acting on it.
Key Takeaways from this lesson
- Scale is a decision with a trade-off: a community intervention (universal) produces a small change over many people, and an intervention in a community (selected or indicated) produces a large change within a small group; the assessment, and whether the group is a bridge for harm to others, decides which is right.
- COMMIT and Long Beach teach complementary lessons: a community-wide program may miss its intended subgroup and needs a receipt index to interpret dose, while a targeted program needs peer messengers, small media, and materials revised on audience reaction, with mass media set aside.
- The intervention is only part of the picture: the politics of choosing an issue, the mandates of funders, and the motives of the coalitions and structures a program works through must be managed, and the community's own members are its best experts.
- Tailoring means basing a program on an assessment, including the community in design, referring to relevant situations, using appropriate language and materials, and scheduling for participation, usually by adapting an effective existing program; sustainability means building community capacity from year one.
- Settings narrow the theory: a classroom favours individual and Social Cognitive Theory approaches, a school board or a broken gym calls for mobilization and the built environment, and a worksite of adults who attend by choice calls for social marketing, the Health Belief Model, diffusion of innovations, and the network, culture, and organizational change theories that fit its social life.
- Run the same method in every setting: assess phase by phase, choose the theory family the assessment points to, adapt an evidence-based program to the people and the place, and plan for the day the funding ends.
Reflection
A regional health authority in British Columbia receives three years of federal funding to improve youth mental health in a mid-sized city and the rural communities around it. The assessment shows rising anxiety and self-reported distress across all secondary students, a smaller group of young people, many of them working part-time in retail and food service, who are in crisis and not connected to any service, a school district whose board is divided about mental health programming, and employers who have never thought of teenaged staff as a population. Write a plan that (1) decides on scale and justifies it with the universal, selected, and indicated categories and the arithmetic of percentage change versus absolute numbers; (2) names the two settings you would work in and the theory family that fits each, with one program from the lesson you would adapt; (3) shows how you would treat young people and their communities as experts and tailor the program; and (4) lists the sustainability steps you would take in year one.
Minimum 20 characters required.
Final Knowledge Assessment
This assessment covers all material from this lesson. You must score 100% to complete the lesson. Review the feedback for any incorrect answers and try again.
1. A provincial campaign reduces sugary drink consumption by 2% across the whole adolescent population, while a targeted clinic program reduces it by 35% among 300 adolescents with prediabetes. Applying the reasoning about scale, which statement is correct?
2. A city creates a coalition, task forces for four channels, and a four-year program to maximize smokers' exposure to quit messages, with heavy smokers as the primary target. This describes which program, and what happened to its primary target group?
3. The Long Beach project's designers considered five established theories and rejected each as inadequate on its own. What did they do instead, and why?
4. In the Dr. Meg trial, references to substance use fell by 26% in the intervention group and 22% in the control group. How should this pattern be interpreted?
5. A health promotion team with federal funds to assess HIV risk among youth finds that the schools refuse to participate, calling HIV too controversial, while a treatment providers' association wants to redirect the funds toward adult substance use. What is the team's task?
6. Which of the following best captures the reason for involving members of a high-risk population as community health outreach workers?
7. A health unit plans to run a diabetes prevention program for a specific immigrant community and wants to avoid stigmatizing it. Which approach is most consistent with the principles of population-based health promotion?
8. A team wants to bring a school nutrition program developed in Connecticut to Nova Scotia. Which statement about tailoring is correct?
9. Five steps build sustainability into a community program. Which option contains only steps from that list?
10. A school-based intervention is likely to be a curriculum delivered in a classroom, so community mobilization is probably not the approach you would use. What general principle does this illustrate?
11. Which set correctly lists components of the CDC's Coordinated School Health Program?
12. A school district wants a program for students who want to quit smoking and an alternative to suspension for those caught. Which program from this lesson most directly matches this need, and what theoretical combination did it use?
13. A worksite assessment shows that the only food available is a vending machine with chips and donuts and a burger restaurant down the road, with no time or place to walk. In a PRECEDE-PROCEED assessment of the worksite, what kind of finding is this and what does it predict?
14. There is frequently a strong relationship between management and union support of workplace programs and participation in them. Which program design decision best reflects this?
15. Coping with Work and Family Stress is a sixteen-session group intervention. Which pair correctly identifies its theoretical foundations and its main documented outcome?
✦ Complete the final reflection above before submitting